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Kohno, TakeshiEmergence of human rights activities in authoritarian Indonesia: the rise of civil society
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science
My dissertation focuses on the activities of the human rights organization LBH (Lembaga Bantuan Hukum, the Legal Aid Institute) in Indonesia as a case study to assess its role in the rise of civil society, and possibly democratization. I argue that the academic foci on democratization so far have been upon, in general, the importance of large macro-structures and political elites. Although the macro-level variables and political elites are important, there are critical links between the macro-level variables and micro-level variables, which have been left unexamined. In this dissertation, I propose a new approach to understanding the property and the dynamic workings of civil society by examining the state-society relations in authoritarian Indonesia between 1990 and 1998. I first examine both conservative and reformist elites in the Indonesian government, and how they find themselves in conflict, which creates a split within the state. Second, I argue that the split which took place in the Indonesian government has been occupied by the activities of LBH, both institutionally through the court system and functionally through personal networking. Once the penetration of human rights organizations into the state is successful, the state is no longer the same as the pre-penetration state and this new condition of the state sets an arena for another round of conflict between reformists and conservatives within the state. Through this series of conflict-driven cycles of change, the state and the society interact with each other, thereby creating and enlarging a relatively autonomous civil society. I endorse the view that human rights organizations and their activities are an important part of the development and maintenance of civil society, thus it is a vital element for democratic capacity and the possibility for democratization. I advocate the view that nonviolent actions, which are generated through social movements, provide a political arena in which democratic principles can be sustained and people are encouraged in an orderly fashion to move toward democracy.

Committee:

R. Liddle (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Indonesia; Politics; Democratization

MERGNER, STEPHEN TTHE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 'CONCILIATED MODEL' OF MUNICIPAL GOVERNANCE IN CINCINNATI, OHIO. TESTING THE CONSEQUENCES OF THE 'HYBRID MAYOR' CHARTER REFORMS
PhD, University of Cincinnati, 2006, Arts and Sciences : Political Science
The City of Cincinnati has experienced a wave of governmental reform of a magnitude that has not been felt since the 1920s. Frustrated with racial unrest, a lack of accountability and legislative inefficiencies, local political leaders and public activists called for greater accountability and decisiveness from their urban government. Blame for these failures landed squarely upon the backs of the City Council and the weak Mayor system. As a consequence of this pressure, Cincinnati reformed its city charter to incorporate a ‘Hybrid’ Model of municipal governance. This is not just a specific modification of the current charter, rather it is an attempt at a full governmental reform in order to change the very seat of legislative and leadership power. Within the field of political science, urban governance literature is founded solidly upon qualitative case study research. Because of the time consuming nature of gathering, encoding and statistically analyzing large volumes of data, the study of the impact of charter reform measures has remained relatively devoid of quantitative research. This dissertation offers a quantitative based analysis that reveals that there are certain statistically significant consequences that have resulted from this governmental reform. My research analyzes five critical hypotheses that the qualitative scholarly literature and political reformers determined would change as the result of a city adopting this governing model. Hypotheses tested involve Legislative Leadership, Party Unity, Committee Assignments, Media Perception and Political Participation. This dissertation illustrates that the primary consequences of reform have occurred within three areas; First, an increase in party unity within the (minority) Republican Party. Secondly, an increase in negative attitude towards the Hybrid Mayor post-reform in the city’s newspaper reports. Third, a small increase in the percentage of ordinances the mayor proposed before Council. The results of this analysis argue that the expectation of broad changes within municipal governance has not occurred. These findings suggest that more drastic shifts in the structure of power are necessary if major changes are desired.

Committee:

Dr. Michael Margolis (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Cincinnati; mayor; conciliated; hybrid; charter; municipal; urban; stronger; council-manager; council manager; strong council; strong mayor; weak mayor; weak council

Bartels, Brandon L.Heterogeneity in Supreme Court decision making: how situational factors shape preference-based behavior
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2006, Political Science
The study of Supreme Court decision making has been heavily influenced by the attitudinal model, which contends that justices’ decisions are dominated by their personal policy preferences. While scholars differ in their acceptance of the attitudinal model, most assume that policy preferences exhibit a uniform impact across all situations in which justices make decisions. This assumption has allowed scholars to make broad generalizations about justices’ behavior, but my dissertation argues that there exists systematic variation, or heterogeneity, in the impact of policy preferences that can be explained theoretically and tested empirically. The goal of the dissertation is to relax this uniformity assumption in order to identify and explain the extent to which the impact of justices’ policy preferences on their choices varies across different situations. Using a psychologically-oriented framework, I develop a theory specifying the mechanisms—-attitude strength and accountability—-that explain variation in the preference-behavior relationship. I posit that situational factors associated with each mechanism influence the magnitude of preference-based behavior. Employing a multilevel modeling framework, I execute three sets of empirical analyses. In Chapter 3, I test whether hypothesized case-level factors within the Court’s immediate environment have shaped preference-based behavior for portions of the Warren, Burger, and Rehnquist Courts. The results provide uniform support for some of the hypotheses across all three Court eras, uniform rejection for others, and mixed support for others. In Chapter 4, I examine the degree to which external strategic considerations—-public opinion and the preferences of the other branches of government—-shape preference-based behavior. The results reveal that public mood exhibits an effect contrary to expectations and ideological consensus within Congress and between Congress and the President is capable, under certain conditions, of constraining the magnitude of preference-based behavior. In Chapter 5, I test the impact of precedent-related legal considerations on the preference-behavior relationship. The results reveal that legal considerations are capable of shaping the magnitude of preference-based behavior on the Court. The theory and findings contribute to the literature by underscoring the idea that the preference-behavior relationship on the Court is shaped by the varying situations that confront the justices.

Committee:

Lawrence Baum (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

U.S. Supreme Court; judicial decision making; judicial behavior; law and courts; multilevel modeling

Khan, Shabbir AhmadTHE AGE FACTOR IN AMERICAN NATIONAL ELECTIONS
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2007, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)
The age factor has been crucial in both presidential and congressional elections. Political leadership in America has been usually between 50 and 60 years of age. Age has been closely linked with the issue of political participation. I propose to examine the role of age in both presidential and congressional elections. From my studies I have observed that: (1) the average age of congressmen has increased; (2) the average age at the time of first election has also increased from the past and House candidates in their 40s and Senate candidates between the mid-40s and mid-50s have greater chances of success at the time of their first elections; (3) the number of older congressmen (65 and over) has also increased as compared to the number of younger congressmen (25 to 34) which has declined substantively. The indicators arrayed from the election data clearly show a significant relationship between the voters’ age and the candidates’ age.

Committee:

Barry Tadlock (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

American Elections; Age Factor; Age and Achievement

Ludwin, BrianChange, not charity: A developmental model for promoting active citizens at Miami University
Bachelor of Arts, Miami University, 2007, College of Arts and Sciences - Psychology
We began the project as a means of recapturing the original intent of the Social Action Center (SAC) as a mechanism of moving service-learning programs past charity and into change through a progression of specific identities. Ross Meyer was the principal architect of SAC, and proposed a vision of a university office that was a centralized place where diverse groups of people could meet to deliberate pathways for solving the community, university, and students’ problems. Meyer’s work focused principally on a top-down approach in engaging students. Our model maintains his original goal, but tries to base it in the development of individual actors in a set of interconnected programs with strong community ties—contextualizing the whole process in the framework of citizenship. Utilizing our research into developmental pathways and the development of democratic citizenship within the university as a theoretical background, we have developed a model that hopes to generate agents of change who are effective citizens. The process of nurturing agents of change involves three identities: individualistic volunteerism, informed volunteer, and change agent. Distinct from these identities, effective citizenship describes a body of people asserting their right to self-government. In conclusion, we hope to have developed a plausible pathway to effective citizenship that uses the university as a means to foster civil society.

Committee:

Kathleen Knight Abowitz (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

service-learning; student development; citizenship

Orr, Scott DavidDemocratic identity: the role of ethnic and regional identities in the success of failure of democracy in Eastern Europe
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2005, Political Science
The project tests the hypothesis that individuals who see themselves as members of multiple social groups (for example, groups based on profession, class, ideology, gender, or any number of other ties) that “cross-cut” each other—rather than solely as members of mutually exclusive groups (such as those structured along ethnic, religious, or regional lines)—will be more willing to support democratic practices, including cooperation with erstwhile opponents, tolerance of dissent, and willingness to compromise. As a result, countries where more individuals perceive identities as cross-cutting will be more successful as democracies and implement policies that benefit their citizens. This theory has much in common with early theories about the importance to democracy of “cross-cutting ties” in society, but the emphasis is less on the objective ties, and more on the ways in which different individuals perceive identities based on those ties. A quantitative study focuses on the first hypothesis in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, Slovakia, and Ukraine. Ethnic and regional identities and support for democratic behaviors are measured through secondary analysis of social surveys, including the New Democracy Barometers and a number of other polls from 1988 to the present. Structural equation modeling is used to analyze the interaction of demographic variables, identity, democratic attitudes, and voting behavior. A qualitative study focuses on the second hypothesis by examining two policy areas in Latvia, Poland, and Ukraine. I conducted interviews with activists in women’s and environmental NGO’s. If the hypothesis is correct, women’s and environmental issues—issues that by their very nature invoke identities that cross-cut ethnic and regional identities—should find more sympathy in countries where identities are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The two parts of the project provide considerable support for the hypotheses. If these hypotheses are indeed correct, and social identity is critical to the functioning of democracy, then measures to shape social identity may become an important tool in the repertoire of democratic reformers, including those who work in the countries of East Central Europe.

Committee:

Goldie Shabad (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Ethnic politics; Regional politics; Social identity; Transitions to democracy; Eastern Europe; East Central Europe; Czech Republic; Estonia; Latvia; Poland; Slovakia; Ukraine; Non-governmental organizations; Environmental issues; Women's issues

Monson, Joseph QuinPolling in congressional election campaigns
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Political polling is now an integral part of congressional election campaigns. Polling is widely considered an accurate measure of public opinion and thus serves to reduce the uncertainty associated with running for Congress. It does so by supplying strategic information that enables campaigns to operate more efficiently and effectively, targeting campaign messages to voters who are most likely to be receptive. Poll use by congressional campaigns varies considerably but is predicted by campaign characteristics such as the competitiveness of the race, the resources available to pay for the polling, and the amount the campaign is spending on advertising. More polling is also done by incumbents and open-seat candidates compared to challengers, by candidates with prior political experience in elected office, and by Democrats. Finally, mid-decade redistricting has a negative effect on polling while a close underlying partisan division is positively related to poll use. Polling is used by campaigns to help the candidate more effectively communicate with voters on issue. Candidates rarely use polls to take issue positions, and pollsters rarely make these kinds of recommendations. However, polling is commonly used to help campaigns to choose which issues positions to address and how best to do so. Candidate recruitment and emergence studies have given little attention to polling’s impact on how candidates and parties assess the probability of victory in a given district. Except for those who can afford to pay for it and existing office holders who are risk averse, most potential candidates do not routinely conduct exploratory polling. However, in the small number of very competitive U.S. House districts, the party campaign committees use polling extensively to help convince attractive candidates to enter open seat contests favorable to the party or especially to identify vulnerable incumbents of the opposite party and find out if a reasonable chance of victory exists.

Committee:

Paul Beck (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

polling; public opinion; elections; congressional elections; Congress; pollsters; campaigns

Mulligan, KennethThe nature of value conflict and its consequences for public opinion
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Citizens of democratic societies are often asked to make political choices that require them to balance one desired goal against another. How much freedom is one willing to give up in order to achieve a more tolerant, moral, or secure society? The choices that citizens are asked to make can be difficult because they implicate conflicting principles or values. A tradition of research in political psychology suggests that value conflict is common and consequential for the expression of political attitudes. But a number of recent studies suggest that value conflict is rare and inconsequential. I address this debate, focusing on the conceptualization, measurement, and effects of value conflict on political attitudes. I argue that value conflict can be latent or subjectively felt. I show that both forms of conflict occur in mass publics and lead to ambivalence (mixed feelings and beliefs about an issue), responsiveness to persuasion, attitude instability over time, moderation, and subjective uncertainty. These results challenge the widespread assumption that the weak attitudes often expressed by ordinary Americans in opinion polls are ephemeral, shallow, and otherwise poorly considered, suggesting instead that apparently weak attitudes are sometimes rooted in deeply held but conflicting core values.

Committee:

Kathleen McGraw (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

attitude; opinion; public opinion; political psychology; political behavior; value; values; value conflict; ambivalence; attitude strength; nonattitude; attitude stability; persuasion; uncertainty; moderation;

Courser, Matthew WilliamElite messages and public opinion: the case of the Ohio Supreme Court
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science
The study of support for courts long has been a focus of research by political scientists, and we know much about the levels and correlates of support for the U.S. Supreme Court. However, only recently has scholarly research focused on the question of support for state and local courts and scholars know much less about how support operates for these courts. Research on state and local courts is further hindered by the lack of a theory of support for courts. This research focuses on the concepts of diffuse and specific support for the Ohio Supreme Court. It draws upon two existing theoretical frameworks and creates a new, hybrid framework. The framework is able to explain the importance of support for courts and articulates mechanisms by which judgments of support are formed and changed over time. New survey data is used to provide information on the levels and correlates of diffuse and specific support for courts. A unique survey-based experiment was used to assess the influence of elite messages on diffuse support for the Ohio Supreme Court. This research found that the Ohio Supreme Court enjoys generally high levels of diffuse and specific support, and that the presence of a significant political controversy did not appear to change those levels of support substantially. It identifies a number of significant demographic and attitudinal correlates of support, including political knowledge and educational attainment. The research also found that elite messages could influence support for the court; however, limitations in the research design made it impossible to test the strength and direction of this influence. This research also looked at patterns of support for the Ohio Supreme Court on three separate measures—diffuse support, specific support, and support for the court’s decision in the 2001 DeRolph v. State of Ohio case. Computer simulations were used to provide a measure of effect size for each of the predictors, and simulations revealed that in some cases a substantial change in a single predictor variable could result in a sizeable change in the probabilities of respondents expressing that pattern of support.

Committee:

Lawrence Baum (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

diffuse support; specific support; support for courts; Ohio Supreme Court; judicial politics

Kirwin, MatthewThe Socio-Political Effects of Nigerian Shari’a on Niger
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2004, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)

In an attempt to eliminate what is determined to be societal ills, in 1999 some Muslim dominated states adopted Shari’a and subsequently outlawed activities such as drinking, prostitution and gambling, in addition to less controversial habitudes such as praise singing and integration of the sexes in public places. The neighboring country of Niger, which has a large Hausa population as well, has, by contrast, been reticent to base its legal codes on Qur’anic law. This is due in large part to the political legacy of the French colonial government and the contemporary government’s stance against religious fundamentalism. Niger’s reluctance to mimic Northern Nigeria’s lead has rendered it a safe haven for Nigeria’s outlawed vices. As bars, brothels and informal casinos were shut down in Nigeria, the same establishments were opened in Niger. This thesis will examine how changes in Nigerian politics have had a profound effect on life in Niger. The political, social and economic effects of Nigerian Shari’a law on Niger have been brought about by the close political and cultural linkages between the two countries. Trans border relations between Niger and Nigeria underwent a dramatic change as a result of the installation of Shari’a in Nigeria. This thesis argues that Niger’s secular political orientation has allowed these establishments to exist and that the subsequent financial windfall has benefited members of the traditional elites and political elites in government. In other words, it is possible to ask the question, has Niger’s secular government given it an economic comparative advantage in regards to Nigeria? The thesis also finds that the many of the actors, specifically those who left Nigeria to go to Niger, are politically marginalized and this has worked to entrench networks of patron clientelism in the border towns where they have settled. The thesis discusses some of the views of the local population with regards to an increase in the new economic activities. The thesis contributes to the literature on trans border economy, patron clientelism, and the weakness of African states. The thesis utilizes both field research conducted in Niger and published academic sources.

Committee:

Dauda Abubakar (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Africa; Politics; Islam; Nigeria; Niger; Hausa

Homan, Melicent L.The Will Still Speaks When Nature Is Silent
MA, University of Cincinnati, 2004, Arts and Sciences : Political Science
This work will explore in three sections how theorist Jean Jacques Rousseau’s religious perspective permeated his political thought. Initially, his viewpoints will be reviewed in light of available literature on his work. Second, using his own work and observational commentary about him, I will develop a biographical sketch of his life and times, as well as his character and religious beliefs. Finally, I will analyze A Discourse on Inequality and the Social Contract as the culmination of the ideals uncovered in the above texts. I will argue that Rousseau’s misinterpretation and denunciation of key components of Christianity are reflected in numerous workability issues with the Social Contract itself, particularly in the function of the general versus the private will of the people. Problematic issues such as Rousseau’s envisioned “civil religion” and the role of the “great legislator” will also be explored.

Committee:

Dr. James Stever (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Christianty; Government; Social Contract; Emile; Discourse on Inequality

ROE, DAVID JAMESUNDERSTANDING THE GENDER GAP IN PRESIDENTIAL APPROVAL: THE CASE OF BILL CLINTON
MA, University of Cincinnati, 2002, Arts and Sciences : Political Science
Monitoring the popularity of the president is a vital aspect of public opinion research today. Presidential approval has become a very closely watched political indicator in the United States. The measure of job approval has grown in importance over time. It is now argued by many that a president's personal standing with the public is a very important aspect of his political power. While pollsters often report on "gaps" in presidential approval, citing differences in approval between socio-demographic groups, in most cases, the socio-demographic gaps referred to by pollsters are the products of simple bivariate analyses. Seldom are further steps taken by pollsters to investigate the reality of whether or not these gaps in approval actually exist when controlling for other factors. The focus of this research is directed towards the "gender gap" in presidential approval. In the literature review that follows, we see in detail that there is a gap between women and men, with women tending to the left and men tending to the right on many issues, including presidential approval. But does this frequently observed "gender gap" reflect a real difference in the political preferences of American men and women, or is it just an artifact of simple bivariate analyses, with many uncontrolled variables? In addition, does this "gender gap" interact with other socio-demographic variables to move presidential approval? This thesis tests the reality of the "Gender Gap" through a multivariate analysis of Ohio Polls conducted during the administration of Bill Clinton.

Committee:

Dr. George F. Bishop (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

presidential approval; gender gap; Bill Clinton; demographics and presidential approval

SONDAAL, TIEST MAARTENMUSLIM IMMIGRATION IN HOLLAND: ASSIMILATION AND CULTURAL PLURALISM
MA, University of Cincinnati, 2007, Arts and Sciences : Political Science
As the Muslim population in Western Europe (mainly France, Germany, and Holland) increases exponentially, understanding processes of integration is critically important. However, despite this importance, there seem to be many misconceptions surrounding this topic as people tend to conflate integration and assimilation, even though they are not the same. After reviewing the literature on the concepts of assimilation and cultural pluralism, this thesis concludes that both concepts have evolved historically from their traditional conceptualizations and have converged to a point where one does not exclude the other. This finding carries significant policy implications, as convergence of the two frameworks could serve as the basis for future policies. A case study of Muslim immigrants in Holland is used to promote policies which will help immigrants integrate more smoothly while simultaneously reassuring the population at large that their dominant culture will not be eroded at the expense of the newcomers.

Committee:

Dr. Richard Harknett (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Gwiasda, Gregory WThe consequences of ambivalent political attitudes
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2005, Political Science
Public opinion scholars agree that individuals can hold ambivalent political attitudes; that is, they can simultaneously see reasons to support and oppose an issue or candidate. However, two questions on the consequences of ambivalent attitudes have been little studied. Does ambivalence about candidates induce people to seek more information; and second, do ambivalent attitudes make individuals more likely to abstain in elections. To answer these questions, I draw upon existing National Election Studies survey data, original experimental analysis and a panel survey of undergraduate students conducted in the spring of 2004. My findings indicate that ambivalent individuals do not seek out additional information about candidates, but rather process and store the information they encounter differently than do those who are not ambivalent. I also find that ambivalence increases the likelihood of abstention in two-candidate races, but increases the likelihood of voting for independent candidates when that option is available. The latter finding that ambivalent individuals often opt to abstain in elections is particularly noteworthy, as it raises questions about the extent to which our political system is truly representative of the public will.

Committee:

Thomas Nelson (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

ambivalence; abstention; information seeking; political psychology; third party support

Harpuder, Brian EricElectoral behavior in U.S. senate elections, a simultaneous choice model
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science
The turnout decision of citizens has traditionally been analyzed separately from the two-party vote decision of citizens. The presumption has been that citizens decide if they are going to vote, and then decide for which candidate to vote. In the present research, the two decisions are placed into a simultaneous choice framework, which presumes that the decisions of turnout and candidate choice are made jointly, implying that abstention is a vote for none-of-the-above. This research shows the effects of the simultaneous choice model with regard to understudied U.S. Senate elections using data gathered thru the Senate Election Studies from 1988-1992. The research shows that levels of turnout in Senate elections are not equally distributed across the various demographic sectors of society. Efforts by campaigns to target particular constituencies should result in a higher probability of citizens casting a vote for the candidate. With respect to evaluations of the economy and personal finances the research clearly shows support for the angry voter hypothesis. Citizens who are dissatisfied with the state of the national economy, angry voters, are more likely to turnout than those who are satisfied. Their dissatisfaction is expressed toward incumbents because they become more likely to vote for the challenging party. Personal financial evaluations are also shown to have a limited impact on electoral behavior. Contrary to some previous research, substantive policy preferences are shown to affect electoral behavior in Senate elections. The findings clearly suggest the campaigns that understand short-term forces can utilize them to produce mobilization. The research shows that use of self-reported media exposure variables can allow for a better understanding of electoral behavior. Citizens who are exposed to candidates via radio or magazines are more likely to vote for the candidate they had read or heard about. The greater their interest and exposure, the more likely it is that a citizen will vote. Overall, the research provides political scientists with an alternative understanding of how electoral decisions are made. Readers will develop an understanding of the factors that influence turnout and mobilization for specific candidates.

Committee:

Janet Box-Steffensmeier (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Turnout; Senate Elections; Voting Behavior; Electoral Behavior; Congressional Elections; Simultaneous choice; U.S. Senate

Schneider, Kimberly AnnCounter-Terrorism Cooperation in the European Union: A Hybrid Case of Integration
Bachelor of Arts, Miami University, 2007, College of Arts and Sciences - Political Science

Terrorism has emerged as one of the greatest threats of the twenty-first century, and it is one that demands the attention of the European Union. However, the field of counter-terrorism is unique as it spans both foreign and domestic policy areas, and so it serves as an intriguing case study for the development of integration.

Looking closely at functionalism, federalism, and variable geometry as the dominant theories of integration at work in counter-terrorism cooperation, I investigated why the European Union has seen growth in counter-terrorism cooperation and sought to answer what the experience in this area suggests about the path forward. Examining differences in defense budgets, the transatlantic perception gap, the difficulties of institutionalizing intelligence sharing, and the changing nature of security threats as pressures on the formation of counter-terrorism, I find that functionalism has been the dominant force driving domestic counter-terrorism cooperation in the EU, though there is a need for more federal institutions. Finally, though variable geometry has attained great successes in the EU’s counter-terrorism efforts, it is becoming increasingly necessary for the EU to abandon this model in favor of promoting more universal cooperation in a field where the weakest member state makes the entire Union vulnerable.

Committee:

Warren Mason (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

counter-terrorism; European Union; theories of integration

Lee, Chung HsienA Study of Political Advertising of the 2004 Taiwanese Presidential Election
Master of Arts, University of Akron, 2006, Communication
This study focuses on the newspaper and TV ads in the 2004 Taiwanese presidential election campaign. The purpose of this study is twofold: (1) to analyze what are the most observed themes in the advertisements of the 2004 Taiwan presidential campaign; (2) to examine what are the differences between the candidates of the two parties (the Kuomintang Party and the Democratic Progressive Party) among those observed themes in relation to the use of different campaign strategies (incumbent and challenger style, issue and image appeal, positive and negative ads). The study found that a total of five themes existed in the ads: “change”, “competence”, “honesty”, “race integration”, and “plebiscite”. Furthermore, the Kuomintang Party preferred to use challenger style, issue appeal, and negative ads. However, the Democratic Progressive Party placed an emphasis on incumbent style, image appeal, and positive ads.

Committee:

Yang Lin (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

2004 Taiwanese presidential election; political advertising; campaign theme; campaign strategy; content analysis

Morris, Mark HowardPresidential Pardon Power: Discretion, Disuse, and Mass Media Coverage
Doctor of Philosophy, Miami University, 2004, Political Science
Despite a constitutional foundation and relatively active use until recent years, presidential pardon power remains a little studied and poorly understood executive power. This dissertation seeks to partially remedy this void in the literature with a systematic analysis of the power to pardon. In addition, presidential pardon power has fallen into a state of near disuse in the last two decades. Can factors be identified that explain this trend towards disuse of presidential pardon power? Might these or similar factors then have the potential of affecting the use of other presidential powers? Put another way, are the factors influencing the use or disuse of the pardon power transferable to other presidential powers?

Committee:

Ryan Barilleaux (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

president; pardon power; discretion; mass media

Chandler, Eric B.GIVING GROUND: EXPLORING NON-COERCIVE POLITICS
Doctor of Philosophy, Miami University, 2003, Political Science
This essay has a dual objective. First, it aims to provide a formal definition of non-coercive politics (NCP), and discuss some implications of the concept. Second, it evaluates three political alternatives in terms of each theory’s capacity for meeting the definition of NCP. Chapter 1 provides a formal definition: In NCP, members (1) exercise ‘volition’ in learning the social norms associated with their community (i.e. socialization is internally realized); and (2) exercise ‘volition’ in adhering to those same social norms (i.e. compliance is internally realized). Chapters 2 – 4 assess, in turn, whether liberalism, antifoundationalism, or esotericism meets the definition of NCP. Each evaluation proceeds by analysing the metaphysical components of the prescriptive theory, and comparing the results with the requirements set out in the formal definition of NCP. The heuristic guiding the evaluation comprises three questions: 1. Does the prescriptive theory preclude coercion relative to socialization (the acquisition of social norms)? 2. Does the prescriptive theory preclude coercion relative to compliance (the enforcement of social norms)? 3. Does the prescriptive theory preclude coercion relative to political obligation (i.e. does obligation derive from a Universal)? Chapter 5 concludes that while each theory has some of the necessary components of NCP, both liberalism and antifoundationalism prove to be incompatible in certain respects. In short, neither theory offers a practical means for attaining a non-coercive politics. Esotericism proves to be fully compatible with NCP, but faces another problem: it is least compatible with the prevailing culture of modern industrial societies. While the premise of NCP is consistent with both explicit and implicit ideals of contemporary politics, it amounts to a foreign concept. Additionally, NCP at times conflicts with other explicit and accepted requirements of contemporary politics. The result is something of a Catch-22: Only by altering certain requirements of modern politics is NCP likely to become a practical alternative; yet, because such an approach necessarily alters the nature of modern politics itself, there is little incentive within industrial society to make the relevant changes.

Committee:

Steven DeLue (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Non-Coercive Politics; Political Theory; Antifoundationalism; Esotericism; Liberalism; Metaphysics

Farrell, Christian AndrewThe dyamic nature of electoral expectations
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Expectations are an important part of our understanding of presidential primaries. Whether we look at expectations in terms of how they drive momentum for some candidates, or as a component of expected utility in the individual decisions of primary voters, the chances of a candidate winning either the party nomination (viability) or the general election (electability) are key variables in understanding their success. Viability and electability are influenced over a long period of time leading up to the primaries, and continue to develop throughout the primary season. By adopting a theory of rational expectations, I look at how expectations change in reaction to information that is made available to voters. Using expectations data from the 2000 National Annenberg Election Study along with data on media coverage and campaign finance in the 2000 presidential nomination process, I show that expectations about the candidates' chances change in response to changes in the information provided by the candidates and the media. In contests involving well-known candidates, voters act rationally by using this outside information to inform their expectations of the candidates’ chances of winning. In contests involving only lesser-known candidates, voters do not act rationally, and only base their expectations on past values of their expectations for these candidates. This dissertation provides new insights into how expectations change over the course of a primary campaign, and gives a better understanding of these important variables.

Committee:

Herbert Weisberg (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Rational expectations; Electoral expectations; Viability; Electability; Nominations; Presidential nominations; 2000 presidential election; National Annenberg Election Survey; Time series

Brown-Dean, Khalilah L.One lens, multiple views: felon disenfranchisement laws and American political inequality
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Felon disenfranchisement laws prohibit current, and in many states, former felony offenders from voting. Of particular interest to my research, 36% of the citizens permanently unable to vote are African Americans. It is important to note that state laws determine who is eligible to vote. States have the option of disenfranchising felons while in prison, while on parole, on probation, or for a lifetime. This dissertation combines traditional democratic theory with elements of the racial group competition literatures to form a lens for understanding the historical use and contemporary consequences of criminal disenfranchisement laws. Using a multi-method approach combining archival research, experiments, and cross-sectional analyses, the findings of this research contradict much of the existing literature's assertion that racial minorities have successfully overcome the institutional barriers to full participation. In essence, these findings affirm the extent to which criminal control policies have become a powerful means of promoting the politics of exclusion. Using an original state-level data set, I find that the level of minority diversity and region are the most significant determinants of the severity of states' disenfranchisement laws. In particular, I find that southern states and states with more sizeable Black and Hispanic voting-age populations tend to have more severe restrictions on felon voting. I find that elite discourse surrounding disenfranchisement has evolved from an explicit focus on race and racial discrimination to a more subtle priming of racial group considerations and stereotypes. Combining these findings with the experimental data, I find that public support for felon disenfranchisement is influenced by the frames elites use to discuss them. When disenfranchisement laws are presented as a threat to democratic vitality, citizens' support for them tends to be lower. However, when disenfranchisement is presented as a means of punishing those who have broken the public trust, support is higher. These findings confirm the importance of political elites for helping citizens make sense of complex political issues. Taken together, the research presented in this dissertation supports the view that the racial group competition lens illuminates multiple views regarding the limits of citizenship as well as contemporary barriers to political equality.

Committee:

Paul Beck (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

disenfranchisement; democracy; American Politics; Black Politics

Conger, Kimberly H.Grassroots Activism and Party Politics: The Christian Right in State Republican Parties
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science
One of the most important phenomena in contemporary American politics has been the development of the political Christian Right. Many scholars have made significant contributions to our understanding of both the origin and development of the national movement and the unique situations in individual states and their Republican parties. However, few have sought a theoretical explanation for the variation we see across states. My dissertation develops and tests, using quantitative and qualitative data, a theory of the varying influence of the Christian Right in state level Republican parties that focuses on the most important ingredients for Christian Right influence. Building on an elite “political observer” survey conducted after the 2000 election, I create a useful measure of the Christian Right’s influence in all fifty states and find that the characteristics of the Christian Right in the state, primarily the quality of movement leadership, have the most impact on the potency of that influence. Then, utilizing a rigorous case study methodology, I combine publicly available state-level data with face-to-face in-depth interviews of party and movement elites from several states to gain a comprehensive and contextual understanding on the relationship between the Christian Right and the Republican party in that state. Complementing scholars’ understanding of the interplay between social movements and political parties, two major conclusions are presented. First, the structures of the Republican party and state politics have a significant impact on the Christian Right’s ability to gain access to the party organization. Second, the character of the Christian Right movement in a state, based upon extensive Evangelical and conservative social networks and grassroots political activity, greatly determines the effectiveness with which the movement can promote its policy goals.

Committee:

Paul Beck (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Political Parties; State Politics; Christian Right; Social Movements

Willey, Elaine AnnExplaining the Vote: Claiming Credit and Managing Blame in the United States Senate
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2002, Political Science

Members of the United States Senate have choices about how to convey their Washington activities to their constituents. This study examines one of those choices: whether or not to explain a significant roll call vote. This study goes to the archival record to determine how members explain these votes in press releases, in newspaper coverage, in mass mailings, and on the floor of the Senate. Through analysis of three bills before the 106th Congress, the study shows that there are key factors which affect the propensity for members to explain.

This study uses content analysis to look at senators' explanations of their votes on the 1999 Juvenile Justice Act, the 1999 Bankruptcy Reform Act, and the U.S.-China Relations Act of 2000. It examines both the explanations that members give for their own votes as well as the statements that they issue regarding the behavior of the Senate as a whole. Further, the study argues that members give explanations with two goals in mind: claiming credit and managing blame. The importance of the bill to the member's constituency, the member's electoral concerns, and other characteristics such as the member's position in the chamber are shown to affect the propensity for senators to offer these explanations.

The study discussed here makes three main contributions to the existing literature. First, it refocuses the examinations of political accounts toward the antecedents of these explanations. It demonstrates that not only how members vote, but how they explain these votes are important parts of the representation process. Second, the study also refocuses attention to explanations given both for positive and negative behavior. Finally, the study demonstrates a gulf between how senators wish to convey their representation (through their press releases) and how this representation is actually conveyed to the public (through news coverage). This work sets the stage for other studies of explanations in a political context.

Committee:

Kathleen McGraw (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

political accounts; political psychology; explanation; homestyle; political communication; Congressional communication; representation

Hill, Timothy GInterest-ing candidates: the electoral impact of interest group endorsements
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science

This dissertation examines the electoral impact of interest groups’ endorsements. I start by hypothesizing that endorsements may influence both vote choice and turnout. I theorized that voters may use the endorsement as a vote choice cue, particularly in elections when party identification is irrelevant. The nature of these cues may be either cognitive (in the form of a heuristic) or affective (following balance theory). Many factors may moderate this relationship, especially commitment to the group. I further theorized that endorsements also signal to voters that a given election is important, which will increase turnout, with commitment also moderating this relationship.

I used experiments and surveys to determine the degree of influence endorsements exert on vote choice and turnout, the effects of commitment on this relationship, and the relevant vote choice mechanism. First, I designed a laboratory experiment that randomly assigned an endorsement to one of two fictional candidates, or to neither of them, within the confines of a computerized mock primary campaign.

Participants experienced the campaign period, choosing whether to examine each of eleven discrete bits of information about the candidates, including the endorsement. Just prior to their "vote," I randomly activated either affect or cognition. The results showed a statistically insignificant increase in voting when cognition was primed.

Second, I included a survey-based experiment on a random telephone survey of Ohioans, which asked about three statewide races. Half the sample received only their names and partisan affiliations, while the other half also learned about endorsements by the Fraternal Order of Police (FOP) and the Ohio Education Association (OEA). Separately, they told whether they thought crime or education was a more important problem in Ohio. Results here were also tepid: no relationship survived a multivariate analysis, but some evidence did exist that the endorsement had some marginal effect.

Finally, to examine endorsements’ impact on turnout, I used the above survey experiment and the American wave of a international election survey. Partially due to measurement difficulties, no impact whatsoever is demonstrable here. In the concluding chapter, I reviewed the project and suggested refinements and additions.

Committee:

Herbert Weisberg (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

endorsement; interest group; vote choice; turnout; experiment

Duvanova, Dinissa S.Interest groups in post-communist countries: a comparative analysis of business and employer associations
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2007, Political Science
In the past 15 years, the post-communist countries have attempted to rebuild state society relations. Central to this process has been the formation of business associations. Existing literature often treats business associations as marginal players. This dissertation demonstrates that they are important organizations that have a profound effect on the political and economic life of post-communist countries. Moreover, while scholars have examined the behavior and influence of interest groups, the actual causes of group formation remain underdeveloped. This dissertation examines the creation of business associations and their subsequent development across countries and economic sectors. Based on a cross-national survey of firms in 25 countries as well as a comparative analysis of business interest representation in Russia, Ukraine, Croatia, and Kazakhstan, it finds that low-level bureaucratic corruption and excessive state regulations facilitate the formation of business associations. It argues that increasing bureaucratic pressure on businesses stimulates collective action to combat corruption. Another empirical finding is that firms in different sectors of the economy are unequally represented by business associations. Contrary to prevailing theoretical arguments, firms in the service sector are most likely to join business associations, while firms in mining and heavy industry are least likely to join. This is consistent with the previous argument because firms in service sectors are more vulnerable to invasive regulations. Analysis suggests that the nature of state regulatory institutions affects business association formation. When corruption and regulations by bureaucrats are rampant, businesses have greater incentives to join associations providing legitimate means to counter bureaucratic pressure. Thus, business associations arise as a defensive mechanism to protect business against corruption and extensive regulation. This contributes to the debates about the sources of civil society organizations suggesting, ironically, that petty corruption may strengthen business associations – a crucial element of civil society. In addition, this investigation contributes to the on-going exploration of economic transitions and evolving patterns of governance in the postcommunist countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics. Identifying the roots of the formation of business interests is a critical step in advancing a more general understanding of the development of capitalism in the post-communist countries.

Committee:

Timothy Frye (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Interest Groups; Post-Communist Transitions; Eastern Europe; Collective Action

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