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Esno, Tyler P.Trading with the Enemy: U.S. Economic Policies and the End of the Cold War
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2017, History (Arts and Sciences)
This dissertation argues that U.S. economic strategies and policies were effective means to wage the Cold War during its final years and conclude the conflict on terms favorable to the United States. Using recently declassified U.S. and British government documents, among other sources, this analysis reveals that actions in East-West economic relations undermined cooperative U.S.-Soviet relations in the 1970s, contributed to heightened tensions in the early 1980s, and helped renew the U.S.-Soviet dialogue in the late 1980s. Scholars have focused on the role arms control initiatives and political actions played in the end of the Cold War. Arms control agreements, however, failed to resolve the underlying ideological and geopolitical competition between the United States and the Soviet Union. Through economic statecraft, the United States strengthened Western security and moved beyond containment to aid the democratic revolutions in Eastern Europe, help settle U.S.-Soviet political differences, and encourage the transformation of the oppressive Soviet system. In effect, this analysis highlights the ways in which U.S. economic statecraft served as an instrument to promote national interests and peace. Between the 1970s and early 1990s, the Soviet Union intended to overcome its economic decline through deeper commercial relations with the West. But, the United States continually sought to block Soviet moves, fearing deeper East-West economic relations would enhance Soviet military potential and grant Moscow leverage over the Atlantic alliance. While working with its West European allies to strengthen the regulation of East-West trade and protect alliance security, the United States also attempted to place further pressure on the Soviet economy and punish Moscow for its aggressive international behavior. In the late 1980s, trade restrictions and limited economic engagement helped the United States negotiate with the Soviet Union from a position of strength, moving beyond the Cold War. Lastly, as the Soviet empire crumbled, economic instruments proved to be the West’s most powerful tool in ending the division of Europe, aiding the institutionalization of democratic, market-oriented systems in Eastern Europe, and encouraging Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to undertake deeper economic reforms.

Committee:

Chester Pach, PhD (Advisor); Paul Milazzo, PhD (Committee Member); Ingo Trauschweizer, PhD (Committee Member); James Mosher, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

American History; American Studies; Economic History; Economics; European History; History; Military History; Modern History; Peace Studies; Russian History; World History

Keywords:

Reagan; Ronald Reagan; Cold War; economic sanctions; trade; economic defense; economic policies; end of the Cold War; Bush; George HW Bush; East-West trade; East-West economic relations; economic relations; Soviet Union; Russia; embargo; grain embargo;

Sokolsky, Mark D.Taming Tiger Country: Colonization and Environment in the Russian Far East, 1860-1940
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2016, History
This dissertation examines the relationship between colonization and environmental change in the Russian province of Primor'e between roughly 1860 and 1940. In doing so, it explores the ecological dimensions of Russia's expansion across Asia and contributes a new perspective to the environmental history of the Russian Empire and Soviet Union. It contends that imperial competition over space and resources was the driving factor behind the environmental changes that occurred in Primor'e after 1860, yet also underlay the emergence of nature protection in the territory. From the outset of Russian colonization, Primor'e's nature, both as an idea and a material reality, was contested, highly politicized, and intertwined with ethnic and social divisions. This contestation over space, resources, and nature had far-reaching consequences for the territory and its nonhuman environment. Beginning in the late 1850s, the tsarist state sought to acquire Primor'e and colonize it with Russian and European settlers (including Ukrainians, Balts, Finns, and others) in order to take advantage of temporary Chinese weakness and to defend its eastern territories against other imperial powers. A territory that the Qing Empire had long preserved as a lightly-populated borderland, Russian authorities attempted to seize, demarcate, populate, and cultivate. Moreover, tsarist and (after 1922) Soviet authorities encouraged migrants to utilize Primor'e's natural resources in order to lay claim to the territory (along with its flora and fauna), and to provide a supply source for the Russian Far East. However, Primor'e's unique environment complicated Russian settlement efforts, particularly the transplanting of Russian-style agriculture and stock-breeding. Rather than producing a bounteous agricultural colony, settlers came to rely on hunting, fishing, wage-labor, and close economic relationships with migrants from China and Korea. Together, these groups precipitated significant environmental changes in Primor'e, including deforestation, a decline in many animal populations, erosion, and more frequent and violent flooding. The ecological effects of settlement in Primor'e almost immediately prompted widespread concern among officials, scholars, and other educated elites. These figures interpreted ecological change as symptoms of broader threats to Russian colonization, including the supposedly "barbaric" and "backward" character of East Asian migrants and Russian and Ukrainian colonists. Environmental questions played a key role in defining and deepening ethnic and social distinctions in the territory, and resource policies emerged as attempts to exclude or control the use of nature by the "uncivilized." Elites responded to ecological changes with a kind of "green" civilizing mission: the belief that managing and protecting nature in a "rational" way was in the interests of Russian colonization. Tsarist and later Soviet leaders sought to make forestry, agriculture, fisheries, and the management of land mammals more "rational" through the application of planning, European science, modern technologies, and state oversight. In doing so, they laid the groundwork for several very successful conservation initiatives in the twentieth century. "Rational" use, however, was oriented toward asserting Russian/Soviet power in the Far East and bore the legacies of Primor'e's ethnic and social divisions. The result, beginning in the tsarist period and continuing into the Soviet era, was an unprecedented degree of nature protection alongside environmental exploitation, a combination rooted primarily in local conditions and historical experience.

Committee:

Nicholas Breyfogle, Dr. (Advisor); David Hoffmann, Dr. (Committee Member); Alice Conklin, Dr. (Committee Member); John Brooke, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Agriculture; Asian Studies; Environmental Studies; Forestry; History; Minority and Ethnic Groups; Modern History; Russian History; Wildlife Conservation; World History

Keywords:

Russia, Russian Empire, Soviet Union, Russian Far East, Manchuria, environmental history, environmental issues, imperialism, colonization, forest history, animal history, fisheries, peasants, agriculture

Johnson, Kathryn EFrom Analog to Digital Control: A Study of the Russian Experience with Communications Technologies
Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2014, Slavic and East European Studies
A culture of control existed in Russia that possesses roots in the tsarist period and continued into the Soviet era. The desire to control evolved to protect and promote the state, as well as to ensure a monopoly over truth; thus communications technologies, because of their ability to transmit information through various means, became a target of this control. This thesis examines the current attempts to recapture a culture of control in Russia in response to the growth of the Internet and social media. It will assess the parallels between the past and present methods of control and conclude that modern methods of control are reminiscent of previous styles of controls. While the intent to control communication is also characteristic of the Soviet period, more modern methods have evolved to control access to information in the post-Soviet context, specifically developed to address the Internet environment and to prevent backlash. Thus, instead of outright control and censorship, methods of control exhibited include second and third generation techniques such as legal regulation, surveillance, and government propaganda. The practice of facilitating the spread of the Internet throughout Russia while maintaining the desire to control it represents an older dichotomy of seeking a modern state infrastructure, while fearing its potential for subversion and instability. This thesis will also explore the difference between the terms control and surveillance, as surveillance is important for the government’s control over communication through knowledge of information flow, and is facilitated by the growth of cellular technology and computer networks today. Finally, the thesis will assess the reasons for recapturing past methods of control and will conclude that the state seeks to control communications not only for political reasons, but also for national security reasons, which may be both real and imagined. There are also efforts to shape the Russian population into a more moral and stable society. The government seeks to do this by ensuring its voice is heard and its hand is seen in one of the only remaining mediums that remains out of the government’s full control.

Committee:

Jessie Labov, PhD (Advisor); Jennifer Suchland, PhD (Committee Member); Jeffrey Lewis, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Russian History; Slavic Studies; Technology

Keywords:

communication; technology; Russia; control; intelligence services; Internet; Navalny; surveillance;

Lanzillotti, Ian ThomasLand, Community, and the State in the North Caucasus: Kabardino-Balkaria, 1763-1991
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2014, History
The Caucasus mountain region in southern Russia has witnessed many of post-Soviet Eurasia’s most violent inter-communal conflicts. From Abkhazia to Chechnya, the region fractured ferociously and neighboring communities took up arms against each other in the name of ethnicity and religion. In the midst of some of the worst conflict in Europe since 1945, the semiautonomous, multiethnic Kabardino-Balkar Republic in the North Caucasus remained a relative oasis of peace. This is not to say there were no tensions—there is no love lost between Kabardians, Balkars, and Russians, Kabardino-Balkaria’s principal communities. But, why did these communities, despite the agitation of ethno-political entrepreneurs, not resort to force to solve their grievances, while many neighboring ones did? What institutions and practices have facilitated this peace? What role have state officials and state structures played in, on the one hand, producing inter-communal conflict, and, on the other hand, mediating and defusing such conflict? And why has land played such a crucial rule in inter-communal relations in the region over the longue duree? More than enhancing our knowledge of a poorly-understood yet strategically important region, the questions I ask of Kabardino-Balkaria are windows on larger issues of enduring global relevance. What processes affect peace and stability in regions of ethno-confessional diversity? What role do states play in forging and manipulating ethnic, national, and religious affilitations? What are the dynamics of governance in multiethnic and multiconfessional states? When and why do group identity categories, such as ethnicity and religion, matter? This dissertation explores the themes of inter- and intra-communal relations, the expansion and evolution of imperial rule and governance, and the causes of peace and violence. I explore these themes particularly through the socioeconomic relations that developed around land use and ownership in central Caucasia, a region of extraordinary ethno-confessional and social diversity. In order to explore the deep roots of contemporary issues of governance, inter-communal relations, nationalism, and conflict in the Caucasus region, this study examines these issues over the longue duree, from the extension of Russian rule in the late eighteenth century through the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. This periodization of over two centuries allows for a comparative exploration of these themes over different regimes: the pre-colonial Kabardian princely confederation, the tsarist state, the Soviet Union, and post-Soviet Russia. My dissertation offers three broad conclusions to these questions. First, it argues that peace has prevailed in Kabardino-Balkaria because Kabardians, Balkars and Russians were interdependent stakeholders in a system of inter-communal relations, each occupying their own economic niche. Each group benefited from this system and had a stake in its preservation. Second, my research shows that the Kabardian majority has worked to ensure the continued inclusion of ethnic minorities in this system. Third, I demonstrate that imperial conquest and governance had both destructive and creative effects on inter-communal relations, by weakening some relationships, strengthening others, and, through colonization and resettlement, creating new ones. Finally, I argue that the category of ethnicity had little intrinsic importance on an everyday level for the diverse peoples of this region. Indeed, for much of the period examined in this study, class or estate categories and confessional affiliations usually had far greater meaning in society than ethnic or national ones. But ethnic and national cateogiries could become important political tools and, often, catalysts for conflict in the hands of elites of various stripes.

Committee:

Nicholas Breyfogle (Advisor); Theodora Dragostinova (Committee Member); David Hoffmann (Committee Member); Scott Levi (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Ethnic Studies; European History; History; Peace Studies; Russian History; Slavic Studies

Keywords:

ethnicity; Caucasus; Kabardians; Circassians; Balkars; Karachai; Cossacks; Ossetians; Ingush; Chechens; Kabardino-Balkaria; inter-communal relations; Soviet nationality policies; nation building; imperial integration; the Russian Empire; land relations

Khmeleva, Elena A.El tríptico tolstoyano de Doña Emilia Pardo Bazán
Master of Arts, Miami University, 2009, Spanish
Emilia Pardo Bazán’s perception of Leo Tolstoy culminates in her short story trilogy: El conde llora, El conde sueña, and El espíritu del conde. For Pardo Bazán, who popularized Russian literature in late nineteenth-century Spain, Tolstoy was initially a model realist but then was viciously critiqued in these three works. The present thesis shows that Pardo Bazán inherited the myth of Tolstoy created in Melchior de Vogüé’s Le roman russe and adopted by the Russian anarchists in France and Spain for political propaganda. Investigation of Doña Emilia’s Tolstoyan trilogy and critical works reveals that her final bitter appraisal of the author of War and Peace, filtered through a naturalist framework, was the fruit of disillusionment with his social and religious thought. This disappointment stemmed from the Marxist critics who influenced Pardo Bazán and hastened to destroy the image of Tolstoy, as the Russian writer was a key ideological weapon for their anarchist rivals.

Committee:

José Domínguez-Búrdalo, PhD (Advisor); Beatriz Celaya-Carrillo, PhD (Committee Member); Paula Gandara, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Romance Literature; Russian History

Keywords:

Pardo Baz&225;n; Tolstoy; Vog&252;&233;; anarchist; Marxist; realismo; naturalismo; San Francisco de As&237;s; Budda; campesinos; terrateniente

Wayson, Donald Wayne“Woodrow Wilson’s Diplomatic Policies in the Russian Civil War”
Master of Liberal Studies, University of Toledo, 2009, College of Arts and Sciences

With the Russian revolutions of both February and October, the United States was in fear of losing an ally in the war with Germany. Most importantly, to some around Wilson, was the eventual assumption of power by Vladimir Lenin. Wilson did not believe, at first, it was his duty to interfere with the choosing of a government in a revolutionary country, but he continued to get pressure from those around him to join in and crush Bolshevism before it got too large to control. Wilson made several poor attempts at intervention, but could never commit himself to an all out intervention that was necessary to avoid the Bolshevik control of power.

This project will show the ways in which Wilson made poor attempts at intervention and how his mind was swayed by those around him including the Secretary of State, the Ambassador to Russia and even former presidents. In the end, Bolshevism achieved the power they sought and the U.S. did nothing to interfere with this power struggle.

Committee:

Dr. Michael Jakobson, PhD (Committee Chair); Dr. Lawrence Anderson-Huang, PhD (Committee Member); Dr. Patricia Murphy, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

American History; European History; Geography; History; Political Science; Russian History

Keywords:

Russia; Civil War; Woodrow Wilson; Root Commission; Railroad Commission; Czech Legion; Intervention

De Simone, Peter ThomasAn Old Believer “Holy Moscow” in Imperial Russia: Community and Identity in the History of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery Old Believers, 1771 - 1917
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2012, History

In the mid-seventeenth century Nikon, Patriarch of Moscow, introduced a number of reforms to bring the Russian Orthodox Church into ritualistic and liturgical conformity with the Greek Orthodox Church. However, Nikon‘s reforms met staunch resistance from a number of clergy, led by figures such as the archpriest Avvakum and Bishop Pavel of Kolomna, as well as large portions of the general Russian population. Nikon‘s critics rejected the reforms on two key principles: that conformity with the Greek Church corrupted Russian Orthodoxy‘s spiritual purity and negated Russia‘s historical and Christian destiny as the Third Rome – the final capital of all Christendom before the End Times. Developed in the early sixteenth century, what became the Third Rome Doctrine proclaimed that Muscovite Russia inherited the political and spiritual legacy of the Roman Empire as passed from Constantinople. In the mind of Nikon‘s critics, the Doctrine proclaimed that Constantinople fell in 1453 due to God‘s displeasure with the Greeks. Therefore, to Nikon‘s critics introducing Greek rituals and liturgical reform was to invite the same heresies that led to the Greeks‘ downfall. However, Tsar Alexei‘s support for Nikon‘s reforms in 1666 split the Russian Orthodox Church in the raskol, between those who supported the reforms, and those who rejected the reforms and identified themselves as staroobriadtsy, or Old Believers (more properly known as Old Ritualists). In the centuries since the raskol, Old Believers maintained their identity as not only defenders of pre-Nikonian Russian Orthodoxy, but also their understanding of Russia‘s historical destiny as the Third Rome.

This dissertation focuses on the importance of place (defined by geographic location, the construction of community buildings, architecture, the layout of community space, liturgical spaces, and economic foundations) and community (defined by a shared spiritual identity and goals of maintaining spiritual purity) to the Old Believer community of the Rogozhskoe Cemetery of Moscow from its founding in the 1770s until 1917. Founded by priestly (popovtsy) Old Believers (those who still accepted the sanctity and significance of priests in a corrupt world, unlike the priestless (bespopovtsy) branch), the Rogozhskoe community eventually became a major spiritual center for the priestly branch of the Old Rite throughout the Russian Empire.

Drawing primarily from a collection of archival material held in the Russian State Library and published documents and works by the Rogozhskoe Old Believers, I argue that Rogozhskoe Cemetery both became a physical and ideological representation of the community‘s attempt to create a Holy Moscow in their understanding of the Third Rome Doctrine. Furthermore, I argue that the Rogozhskoe Old Believers envisioned their Holy Moscow as a part of two worlds: a community devoted to their shared faith in the Old Rite and as a model Christian community within the Russian Empire. This study, then, argues that the Rogozhskoe Old Believers adapted their Holy Moscow to meet their need to maintain their faith and respond to the political, social, cultural, and economic changes in Imperial Russia from the second half of the eighteenth to early twentieth century.

Committee:

Nicholas Breyfogle (Advisor); David Hoffmann (Committee Member); Robin Judd (Committee Member); Predrag Matejic (Committee Member)

Subjects:

History; Religious History; Russian History

Keywords:

Rogozhskoe Cemetery; Moscow; Russia; Imperial Russia; Old Believers; Russian Orthodoxy; Community; Identity

Vitols, Maruta ZaneFrom the Personal to the Public: Juris Podnieks and Latvian Documentary Cinema
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2008, History of Art

In recent decades and particularly after the collapse of the Soviet Union, cinema scholars have devoted a considerable amount of attention to Eastern European films and filmmakers. Yet, the rich film tradition of the Baltic States, particularly the thriving Latvian national cinema, remains foreign to western cinema scholars. One finds very little written in academia in this subject area, although the rapidly growing economies and the increase of the political currency of the Baltic States have sparked a new awareness of this geographical area. A fresh interest in Latvian filmmakers as the voices of their society is emerging, stemming from the country's rich cinema history.

Within the realm of Latvian documentary filmmaking, one figure from recent years shines as a star of the genre. Juris Podnieks (1950-1992) and his films hold a privileged place in Latvian culture and history. His breakthrough feature IS IT EASY TO BE YOUNG?(1986) heralded the advent of a new era for Latvian and Soviet documentary filmmaking accompanying the implementation of Gorbachev's glasnost plan in the Soviet Union. Podnieks took advantage of the new policy of openness and employed IS IT EASY TO BE YOUNG? as a vehicle for exploring the state of youth culture under a non-democratic regime. The high level of frankness of this documentary shocked spectators across the Soviet Union, and made IS IT EASY TO BE YOUNG? an unparalleled sensation in Soviet cinema history.

This study begins a new contribution to the understanding of Latvian cinema through an examination of Podnieks's documentaries. My assessment of Podnieks's documentaries entails readings of each of his films individually, as well as the identification and exploration of the main subjects and important themes of his oeuvre. Whenever necessary, I provide readers with the essential Latvian cultural and historical knowledge needed in order to access some of the meanings of Podnieks's documentaries. This study offers one entry point into the director's works, and invites further research on this filmmaker and on Latvian national cinema.

Committee:

J. Ronald Green, PhD (Advisor); Lisa Florman, PhD (Committee Member); Judith Mayne, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Art History; European History; History; Motion Pictures; Russian History

Keywords:

Juris Podnieks; Latvian Cinema; Documentary; Glasnost; Latvia; Film; Soviet

Walworth, CatherineMaking Do for the Masses: Imperial Debris and a New Russian Constructivism
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2013, History of Art
Russian Constructivist artists rejected the “elitist” medium of painting and instead set about redesigning the objects of everyday life under socialism in a devastated and “closed” economy. This dissertation expands the conventional art historical narrative by arguing that Constructivism adapted, rather than failed, in the 1920s. In so doing, I identify an alternative Constructivist strain that developed a tactic of recycling and re-appropriation in response to factory shortages and lack of raw materials. I examine how the former Imperial era’s debris became both the physical and ideological building material for its class enemies’ society, and the repository of lost Constructivist ideals. Applying anthropological models borrowed from Claude Levi-Strauss, I show how his mythmaker typologies—the “engineer” and “bricoleur”— illustrate, respectively, the canonical Constructivists and Russian artists on the margins that deployed a wide range of clever “make-do” tactics. I show how specific examples of existing porcelain “blanks,” clothing, film footage, and architecture from the newly requisitioned “collective stock” underwent transformation. For example, at Paris’s glamorous international exposition of industrial and decorative arts in 1925, a former Russian dressmaker to the Imperial Court received a grand prize for a flapper dress sewn from household table linens. Similarly, while the Soviets had to import Western “capitalist” films to compensate for the shortage of raw film stock in the 1920s, filmmaker Esfir Shub recycled Imperial-era film footage, creating Fall of the Romanov Dynasty, a masterpiece of Soviet propaganda and first feature-length compilation film. St. Petersburg’s Winter Palace, a symbol of Imperial rule and splendor, became a shifting stage for performance, government offices, a museum of the revolution, film set, and at the end of the 1920s, auction house. Similarly, leftover Imperial porcelain dishes, with marks from three previous tsars on their bases, now carried Bolshevik propaganda on their surfaces. These were portable artistic objects whose meanings came from their status as captured loot, a radical surface for socialist themed decoration by State Porcelain Factory artists. Yet, if these artists made innovative use of materials on hand, their methodological approach had already been modeled by the Bolshevik government’s reallotment of aristocratic mansions and reuse of requisitioned private goods. My study is intended, not merely to add these works to the Constructivist canon, but to change the shape of the current discussion, broadening the definitions of “mass production” and “industrial art” as well. Re-appropriated fragments of a former enemy era provided a wider range of play and possibility in the decade between 1918 and 1928. The use of scavenged Imperial leftovers as “raw materials” was economically strategic, but it also allowed artists to manipulate ideology embedded in the found material, creating objects with radically new emotional and symbolic trajectories.

Committee:

Myroslava M. Mudrak (Advisor); J. Ronald Green (Committee Member); Aron Vinegar (Committee Member); Patricia A. Cunningham (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Art History; Economic History; Film Studies; Russian History; Slavic Studies; Theater

Keywords:

Russian Constructivism; Nadezhda Lamanova, Esfir Shub, Varvara Stepanova; Aleksandr Rodchenko; October Revolution; Soviet Film; Russian Fashion

Sell, Daniel JamesVladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia: The How and Why of Russia's New Party of Power
Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2008, Slavic and East European Studies
This paper serves to study the new ‘party of power,’ United Russia, that has emerged in the Russian Federation with Vladimir Vladimorovich Putin as the head of this party. It will look at what exactly a party of power is, and how Putin was able to solidify power in the country in the office of the president and transfer this power to United Russia. This paper looks at factors, such as the fact that Russia has a hybrid regime in place, which made it possible for the party of power to emerge, thus providing a small roadmap on how to create a party of power. Finally, this paper shows areas where Putin and his party of power could lose strength and what might possibly happen in regards to the political situation in the country if this were to happen.

Committee:

Trevor Brown (Advisor); David Hoffmann (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Russian History

Keywords:

Russia; United Russia; party of power; Putin; Medvedev; Russian politics

Cull, Logan P.The Mysteries of Spirit: Cross-Currents in Russian Modernism (Alexander Scriabin & Nikolai Shperling)
Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2017, Music
A comparative analysis of the work of the composer Alexander Scriabin (1871-1915) and the graphic artist Nikolai Shperling (1881-1946) reveals that both men found inspiration in related sources. Resisting disciplinary boundaries throughout my research has enabled me to trace crosscurrents of influence in their work against the cultural and historical backdrop of the Russian Silver Age and developments in European Modernism more broadly. Further, examination of their contact with the Symbolist milieu has illuminated the philosophical and aesthetic dimensions of their oeuvre and the spiritual motivation that lay behind it; given the markedly mystical approaches of both men, I have brought interdisciplinary scholarship to bear which looks at the intersection of esotericism and creativity and the underlying Theosophical context which unites them.

Committee:

Richard Wetzel, Dr. (Advisor); André Gribou (Advisor)

Subjects:

Art History; Music; Russian History

Keywords:

Modernism; Symbolism; Scriabin; Shperling; Russian Silver Age; Interdisciplinary arts; Occultism; Mysticism

Knight, John Marcus Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2017, History
This dissertation charts the path by which an idealized understanding of the Soviet Union aided the transformation of Marxism from a counter-hegemonic to a hegemonic discourse within China over the course of the four decades from the 1917 October Revolution until Nikita Khrushchev’s 1956 “Secret Speech.” It probes previously unexamined commercial, political, and student presses, as well as organizational records, to detail ways by which the “image” of the Soviet Union was employed by separate groups to critique domestic political forces during China’s Republican era (1912-49), challenge capitalism and international imperialism, and secure popular support during the early years of the People’s Republic (1949-). Such inquiry sheds light on the conflicting ways in which Chinese imagined themselves and their world, and reveals an alternative conception of modernity that promised to bridge “East” and “West.” Chapters One, Two, and Four through Six provide a chronological reading of the “Soviet Union” in Shanghai and Beijing presses. As China experienced the consecutive pangs of revolutionary upheaval, state consolidation, foreign invasion, and civil war, the “meaning” of the Soviet Union also changed. Activists in the 1920s viewed the October Revolution as the opening salvo of a growing international movement against all forms of oppression. Over the following decades, however, “modernization” eclipsed “internationalism” as the USSR’s chief selling point. The Soviet Union came to be portrayed as an industrialized nation with high rates of economic growth, able to provide for its citizens, and withstand foreign aggression. By depicting New China as the “younger brother” of the modern USSR, the Chinese Communist Party upon taking power implied that it would be able to replicate Soviet successes domestically. Chapters Three, Seven, and Eight examine organizations that defined their respective eras: the proletarian women’s movement of the 1920s, and Shanghai’s Industry and Commerce Bureau (Gongshang ju) and Sino-Soviet Friendship Association (Zhong-Su youhao xiehui) of the 1950s. Contrasting these groups reveals both the liberating and the confining effects of pro-Soviet rhetoric in practice. The first viewed the Soviet Union as the symbolic head of an international grassroots movement to upturn the imperialist and patriarchal status quo. The latter two presented the USSR as a nation-state with a “proven” developmental model applicable to China. By the 1950s, the meaning of the “Soviet Union” was no longer open-ended; it was a tailored image promoted by the CCP to gain legitimacy. This study revises scholarly understanding in three substantive ways. First, by closely reading more than a hundred period essays, it broadens our perspective of China’s Communist Revolution, demonstrating that alongside the now-familiar military campaigns, land seizures, and workers’ strikes, there was a battle within the Republican mediasphere in which an array of students, journalists, and political figures articulated a “new China.” Second, by highlighting how Chinese imagined the Soviet Union rather than how the USSR existed “objectively,” my study affirms the intellectual agency of Chinese in choosing their revolutionary path. Finally, we see the rupture that took place when Soviet-inspired Marxism transitioned from being an oppositional to a state ideology.

Committee:

Christopher Reed (Advisor); Ying Zhang (Committee Member); David Hoffmann (Committee Member); Judy Wu (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Asian Studies; History; Mass Media; Modern History; Political Science; Russian History

Keywords:

Republican China; Maoist China; Soviet Union; modernity; mediasphere; October Revolution; cosmopolitanism; imagination; Sino-Soviet Friendship Association; Chinese womens movement; Guomindang; Chinese Communist Party

Trude, Brian J.The Reality of the Provinces and Other Stories
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2016, English (Arts and Sciences)
This thesis is a collection of four stories and a critical introduction titled "Ferris Wheels in Winter." The introduction explicates the common theme uniting the various stories, that of the author's attempt to confront despair by writing about characters who struggle with belief, disillusionment, and disjunction between self and place. This thesis includes the following titles: "The Reality of the Provinces," "The Tourists," "Low-hanging Fruit," and "A Pilgrim's Notes."

Committee:

Patrick O'Keeffe (Advisor)

Subjects:

Literature; Russian History; Slavic Literature; Slavic Studies

Keywords:

Reality; Provinces; Tourists; Low-hanging Fruit; Ferris Wheels in Winter; Reality of the Provinces; Notes; Russia; short stories; disjunction; disillusionment; despair; Camus; Dostoevsky

Cayias, JenniferA Strategic Analysis of the Chechen Wars: The Keystone of Good Leadership
Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2012, History
At the start of the First Chechen war, the Russian Federation had recently inherited a fractured polity. New leaders tried to piece together a new identity and grand strategy for a state that was still coming to terms with the fact that it was no longer the center of a union. Its new borders were unstable and unsecure, and secession of any one republic threatened a potential chain reaction throughout the region. What Russia needed was a strong, experienced leader, with a clear sense of direction and purpose for the Russian Federation. While many factors contributed to Russia’s domestic troubles, Boris Yeltsin proved unequal to the task of effectively consolidating and directing what remained of the Russian Republic. In the case of Chechnya, after the collapse of the Soviet Union the Russian military still retained a vast arsenal and reserves of manpower, which could have overwhelmed Chechnya from the outset – had they been well coordinated and directed. Dzhokhar Dudaev was exactly what Chechnya needed. He had decades of experience in the ranks of the Russian military and thoroughly understood their tactics, and he also had experience in irregular warfare from his service in the Soviet war in Afghanistan. And, of course, he was very familiar with the irregular and unconventional style of warfare that traversed Chechen history. In 1994 and 1995 Dudaev proved his ability to out-strategize the dysfunctional Russian forces, both politically and militarily. In 1996, two factors brought him down: the sheer mass of the Russian forces sent to Chechnya and their tactical adjustments, as well as undermining from competing Chechen factions. His death to a Russian air strike in that same year hamstrung the Chechen government with weak leadership that resulted in disaster for the nascent Chechen state. Neither the 1994 war nor that of 1999 was won or lost solely by the actions of one side or one leader. A mosaic of complex factors, acting on both sides, contributed to the origins, developments, and outcomes of each war. Technological, training, and coordinative flaws in the Russian strategy during the first war were largely rectified in the second. Additionally, the image of potentially legitimate statehood and victimization that the Chechens enjoyed at the start of the first war vanished by the second, causing the republic to lose its badly needed public support in both Russia and abroad in the international community. While noting the complexity of factors involved in the outcome if each war, key individuals at the helm of each polity created successes and failures out of the assets and liabilities at hand. Similarities between the origins of each war, contrasted with the stark differences in how forces executed their operations and the results they achieved, exemplify the significance that leadership has on an army’s success or failure.

Committee:

Peter Mansoor, PhD (Advisor); Nicholas Breyfogle, PhD (Committee Member); Peter Hahn, PhD (Committee Member); Theodore Hopf, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

History; Military History; Russian History; Slavic Studies

Keywords:

Chechnya; Chechen Wars; Dudaev

Myers, Elena K.Distribution of Uncontracted and Contracted Imperfect Verbs in the 11th Century Russian Manuscript of the Sinaiskij Paterik
Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2011, Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures
The Sinaiskij Paterik, one of the oldest written documents in Old Russian literature , was translated from a 7th century Greek original. Scholars are divided on the topic of the place and time of translation of this document into Old East Slavic. The majority of linguists postulate that it was translated in Bulgaria in the 10th century while others believe that the Sinaiskij Paterik was translated in the 9th century by Saint Methodius, and yet others think that the translation took place in Old Rus' in the 11th century. The original text is known as Λειμωνάριον 'meadow', and represents a series of didactic stories about lives of monks. The fact that this is a translation does not mean an absence of variation in the Old Russian text. Indeed, the document contains different kinds of variation. One instance of such variation is the presence in the manuscript of both uncontracted and contracted imperfect forms. It is a very interesting phenomenon as the majority of the imperfects used in Old Russian documents represent a contracted variety, reflecting a process evident already in Old Church Slavonic. The objective of my research was to investigate the factors which might have possibly influenced the use of uncontracted forms in the document and to determine which factors, if any, had conditioned such use. My exhaustive analysis of all conceivable factors led me to conclude that only individual preferences of scribes and the length of words might have influenced the choice of uncontracted forms, whether in the translation or the copying process.

Committee:

Brian Joseph, Dr. (Advisor); Daniel Collins, Dr. (Committee Member); Charles Gribble, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Language; Linguistics; Russian History; Slavic Literature; Slavic Studies

Keywords:

Slavic linguistics; historical linguistics; Old Russian; Old Church Slavonic

Alloy, Phillip CThe Role of Jewish Women as Primary Organizers of the Minsk Ghetto Resistance During the World War II German Occupation
Master of Arts, University of Toledo, 2013, History
It is a common belief the Jewish population of Europe did little to resist the genocide perpetrated by Nazi Germany. However, there were many instances of armed resistance in both city ghettos and concentration camps. The most well-known ghetto uprisings took place in Vilna, Lithuania, and Warsaw, Poland. In 1943 Jewish prisoners staged rebellions in Treblinka and Sobibor camps, destroying portions of the facilities and managing short-lived escapes. Due to lack of outside support, each of these actions—ghetto and concentration camp—was doomed from the initial stages, and none had any long term success. Still, these were not the only examples of wartime Jewish resistance. Starting shortly after the city of Minsk, Byelorussia, was occupied by German forces, a resistance organization arose from within the Jewish ghetto in that city. Until the fall of the Soviet Union, and access to archival documents and individuals living in that area, this aspect of wartime Jewish resistance had evidenced little study. More recently, access to post-Soviet information sources has allowed for a better understanding of the depth of the Minsk ghetto resistance. Of particular interest in the Minsk Jewish resistance is its apparent reliance upon women for major support within the organizational makeup and at the uppermost levels of the ghetto underground command structure. This paper will study the contribution of Jewish women to the Minsk ghetto resistance. Primary resource material has been obtained from first-person published accounts of the resistance, wartime archival material, and direct interviews with Jewish women and men active in the partisan and underground movement.

Committee:

Michael Jakobson, PhD (Committee Chair)

Subjects:

European History; European Studies; Gender Studies; History; Holocaust Studies; Judaic Studies; Military History; Military Studies; Modern History; Russian History; Womens Studies

Keywords:

Jewish resistance; womens history; Minsk; Belarus; World War II; WWII; partisans; ghetto; underground; Holocaust; Russia; Byelorussia; Jewish partisans; concentration camp; Nazi; Communist Party

Soderstrom, Mark A.Enlightening the Land of Midnight: Peter Slovtsov, Ivan Kalashnikov, and the Saga of Russian Siberia
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2011, History

This dissertation examines the lives, works, and careers of Peter Andreevich Slovtsov (1767-1843) and Ivan Timofeevich Kalashnikov (1797-1863). Known today largely for their roles as Siberian “firsts”—Slovtsov as Siberia’s first native-born historian, Kalashnikov as Siberia’s first native-born novelist—their names often appear in discussions of the origins of Siberian regionalism, a movement of the later nineteenth century that decried Siberia’s “colonial” treatment by the tsarist state and called for greater autonomy for the region. Drawing on a wide range of archival materials—including two decades of correspondence between the two men—this study shows that Slovtsov and Kalashnikov, far from being disgruntled critics of the tsarist state, were its proud agents. They identified with their service careers, I suggest, because they believed that autocratic rule was the best system for Russia and because serving the tsarist state provided what they saw as their greatest opportunity to participate in a progressive, world-historical saga of enlightenment. Their understanding of this saga and its Russian reverberations gave form and content to their senses of self.

An exploration of Slovtsov and Kalashnikov’s complex lives through the long paper trail that makes them accessible today offers revealing perspectives on the social, cultural, and intellectual history of Russia—in particular on topics of service, selfhood, bureaucratic culture, education, and the intersection of public and private life—as well as on the history of Siberia and its place in the empire. Kalashnikov and Slovtsov lived during the apogee of the Russian Empire in the late eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth centuries, a period commonly described as a time of growing dissension between “the state” and “educated society.” But their lives offer a useful reminder that that “the state” and “educated society” were often one and the same. Slovtsov and Kalashnikov saw the tsarist state as a powerful agent of progressive change and argued passionately, both in their published works as well as in their private correspondence, in favor of an imperial narrative of enlightenment. They saw Siberia as a place made whole, improved, and, indeed, made “Russia” by imperial rule.  

Committee:

Nicholas Breyfogle, PhD (Advisor); Alice Conklin, PhD (Committee Member); David Hoffmann, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Russian History

Keywords:

Russia; Siberia; Enlightenment; Empire; Cultural History; Intellectual History; Irkutsk; Tobol'sk; Urals; Education; Schools; Clergy; Intelligentsia; Microhistory; Biography;

Bartman, Christi ScottLawfare: Use of the Definition of Aggressive War by the Soviet and Russian Governments
Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2009, History
This dissertation seeks to contribute to the understanding of the definition of the terms aggression and aggressive war by tracing the political, legal and military use of the terms by the Soviet Union from that posed at the 1933 Convention for the Definition of Aggression to the definition posed by the Russian Federation to the International Criminal Court in 1999. One might ask why the Soviet Union so adamantly promoted a definition of aggression and aggressive war while, as many have noted, conducting military actions that appeared to violate the very definition they espoused in international treaties and conventions. This dissertation demonstrates that through the use of treaties the Soviet Union and Russian Federation practiced a program of lawfare long before the term became known. Lawfare, as used by the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, is the manipulation or exploitation of the international legal system to supplement military and political objectives. The Soviet Union and Russian Federation used these legal restrictions to supplement military strategy in an attempt, not to limit themselves, but to control other states legally, politically, and equally as important, publicly, through the use of propaganda.

Committee:

Don Rowney (Advisor); Gi Woong Yun (Committee Member); Gary Hess (Committee Member); John Quigley (Committee Member); Marina Sorokina (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Law; Russian History

Keywords:

lawfare; aggression; aggressive war; Soviet Union; Russian Federation

Mulcahy, Robert AlanA Hero of Two Times: Erast Fandorin and the Refurbishment of Genre
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2013, Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures
This study investigates the popular Adventures of Erast Fandorin series of Boris Akunin, Russia’s best-selling author of detective fiction. With the aid of Mikhail Bakhtin’s concepts of the chronotope and the zone of maximal contact, it addresses questions of genre (in a transnational context), serialization, and the role of zlobodnevnye voprosy (`current issues’) in historical fiction. My analysis locates Akunin in the history of international detective fiction in order to appraise his contribution not only to the genre but also to modern Russian literature. To account for Akunin’s influential status in his home country, I hypothesize the reasons for the extraordinary success of his works and the cult around the protagonist of the series, as well as the significance of Fandorin’s values for contemporary Russian society.

Committee:

Helena Goscilo, Dr. (Advisor)

Subjects:

East European Studies; Literature; Modern Literature; Russian History; Slavic Literature; Slavic Studies

Dority, PaulA Skillful Combination of Fire and Maneuver
Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2018, History
My thesis seeks to understand if the Wehrmacht understood the Red Army’s operational doctrine following the war. I will analyze both Red Army and Wehrmacht after action reports and memoirs created after the war to accomplish this. This analysis covers the Battle for Moscow, the Battle of Stalingrad¸ Operation Zitadelle, and ends with the destruction of the Wehrmacht’s Army Group Center in Operation Bagration. This period represents the marked rise and decline of the Wehrmacht’s martial supremacy in Russia. The comparison of Russian and German after action reports from this period exposes a weakness in German operational doctrine, which ultimately destroys the Wehrmacht in the East. The Wehrmacht excelled in the tactical layer of strategy, but failed to exploit its tactical victories at the operational level. The Wehrmacht’s obsession with victory through tactical supremacy caused them to create patterns of doctrinal behavior that the Red Army exploited time and time again.

Committee:

Paul Lockhart, Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Jonathan Winkler, Ph.D. (Committee Member); Sean Pollock, Ph.D. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

History; Military History; Military Studies; Russian History

Keywords:

STAVKA; OKH; OKW; Doctrinal strategy; Wehrmacht; Red Army; Eastern Front; World War II

Beard, Jacob DAt the Foot of the Cross: A Biographical Portrait of Pyotr Yakovlevich Chaadaev
Master of Arts, Miami University, 2017, History
This thesis project, titled At the Foot of the Cross: A Biographical Portrait of Pyotr Yakovlevich Chaadaev, follows the story of the preeminent Russian philosopher Pyotr Chaadaev. Declared a madman by his government in 1836, this thesis explores the rationale behind the claim of his madness while also expanding the portrait of his life beyond the limited coverage that he usually receives. This work is an amalgamation of microhistorical biography, intellectual history, and cultural history in the hopes of filling out a picture of what life in the nineteenth century Russian Empire for a nobleman and Europe as a whole.

Committee:

Stephen Norris (Advisor); Zara Torlone (Committee Member); Wietse de Boer (Committee Member)

Subjects:

History; Russian History

Keywords:

Russia, Intellectual History, Nineteenth Century, Modern Europe, Nicholas I, Pyotr Chaadaev, Chaadaev

Furman, Michael DPlaying with the punks: St. Petersburg and the DIY ethos
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2016, Slavic and East European Languages and Literatures
This dissertation is an examination of how St. Petersburg punks create and sustain their culture through social practice and talk-in-interaction. This study examines how punks in the scene build (both literally and metaphorically) communities of svoi [one’s own] that support positive ideologies like mutual-support, mutual-respect and openness. Yet, while this dissertation discusses the positive ways that the community impacts those within the scene, this work also brings to the fore practices of gender inequality within the scene that perpetuate patriarchal social norms. As such, this dissertation represents the first detailed, long-term examination of punk in Russia. Punk in Russia gained international notoriety with Pussy Riot’s rise to prominence in 2009; however, their ascendance also exposed our limited understanding of what punk is and is not in the Russian scene. This dissertation aims to address this gap and explore precisely what Russian punk is and is not from the vantage point of Russian punks themselves. In order to do so, I conducted nearly two years of fieldwork, interviewed 32 punks and analyzed over 6 hours of spontaneously occurring talk-in-interaction. This holistic approach helped facilitate a description and analysis of punk culture in Russia that presents a detailed account of my informants’ full lives. My findings show that the primary punk ideologies operating within the St. Petersburg punk scene are: mutual-respect, mutual-help and a focus on action and agency through Do-It-Yourself (DIY) enterprises. Yet at the same time as I draw on interview data for explicit characterizations of punk ideology, I also examine and analyze punk practice and discourse. This approach helps to elucidate not only the `point of punk’, but also helps to connect interview data to actual discursive practices. Exploring the connection between interview data and real-life practice reveals a contradiction between explicit ideologies of equality within the punk scene and social practices, such as conversational interruptions, that contradict explicit ideologies of equality. By analyzing data drawn from interviews in tandem with fieldnotes and spontaneously talk-in-interaction this study focuses on the content of talk while also examining the important ideological work that talk performs. This reflexive approach to data analysis provides a dynamic and holistic description of the St. Petersburg punk scene from the perspective of the punks who live it. In this way this dissertation adds to a growing understanding of Russian subcultures while also providing a methodological approach that allows the analyst to link micro-linguistic practice to macro-discourses like that of gender equality.

Committee:

Jennifer Suchland, Dr. (Advisor); Gabriella Modan, Dr. (Advisor); Galina Bolden, Dr. (Committee Member); Yana Hashamova, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Gender Studies; Linguistics; Russian History; Slavic Studies; Social Research

Keywords:

Russia, Punk, Linguistic Anthropology, Russian Punk, Sociolinguistics, Cultural Studies, Ethnography, Conversation Analysis, Narrative Theory, Gender Studies,

Dempsey, Timothy A.Russian Rule in Turkestan: A Comparison with British India through the Lens of World-Systems Analysis
Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2010, Slavic and East European Studies
This thesis is an attempt to analyze the Russian conquest and subsequent colonization of southern Central Asia using Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-systems approach. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Russian empire’s position in the European-centered, capitalist world-system was weakening. Its economy was gradually becoming more geared to low value-added production, and its military prowess vis-à-vis other European powers like France and Britain was badly compromised after its defeat in the Crimean War. In order to prevent its complete peripheralization within that system Russia undertook to conquer southern Central Asia in order to create a captive market for its manufactures and to secure a more reliable supply of raw cotton for its burgeoning textile industry. As a result of this process, Central Asia was incorporated into the periphery of the expanding capitalist world-system, whereby it underwent a number of painful social and economic transformations that were observable in other lands that had been colonized by European powers. Following the example of Alexander Morrison, this thesis compares the colonial experience of Russian Turkestan with British India, but instead of comparing the administrative structures of the two colonial regimes, it seeks to find similarities in effects of economic colonization on the indigenous populations. Russian colonization of Turkestan, however, was tempered by the fact that the Russian empire, being a semiperipheral power in the capitalist world-system, had fewer resources to facilitate an efficient exploitation of its southern colony. In addition, the Russian autocracy remained too strong in relation to its national bourgeoisie and actively inhibited the accumulation of capital in the core by preventing total exploitation of Turkestan.

Committee:

Scott Levi, PhD (Advisor); Nicholas Breyfogle, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Agriculture; Cultural Anthropology; Ecology; Economic History; Economic Theory; European History; International Relations; Middle Eastern History; Russian History; Sociology; Womens Studies

Keywords:

World-systems; Turkestan; Central Asia; Russia; Colonialism; Dependency theory; Wallerstein; British India; Alexander Morrison;

Rewinski, Zachary D.Dostoevsky and Tolstoy's Oblique Responses to the Epidemic of Chernyshevskian Philosophy
BA, Oberlin College, 2010, Russian

This paper focuses on Fyodor Dostoevsky and Lev Tolstoy's subtle responses to the work and philosophy of the radical intelligent, literary critic and philosopher Nikolai Gavrilovich Chernyshevsky. Dostoevsky and Tolstoy had deep qualms about Chernyshevsky's ideas and their consequences, both for the individual and Russian society at large. The goal of this paper is to describe these ideas and consequences as they appear in two of the most famous and important works of 19th century Russian and world literature, Dostoevsky's "Crime and Punishment" and Tolstoy's "Anna Karenina."

Discussion begins with exegesis of the radical utilitarian and utopian philosophy advocated by Chernyshevsky in his influential "What is to be Done?" and "The Anthropological Principle in Philosophy". Having discussed the main tenants of Chernyshevsky's philosophic system, the author continues to investigate the appearance of these ideas in "Crime and Punishment" and "Anna Karenina" through an analysis of primary and secondary characters in each novel. The polyphony of Dostoevsky's prose extends, the author claims, to issues of Chernyshevsky's philosophy and its influence on Russia, and characters of "Crime and Punishment," primarily Raskolnikov, Razumikhin and Luzhin, are analyzed through this lens. Karenin, Vronsky, Anna Karenina and Levin provide the primary focus for analysis of Tolstoy's "Anna Karenina."

As much as is possible, the author aspires to include biographical and philosophic detail about Dostoevsky and Tolstoy in order to remain close and true to the two authors' respective visions for and understandings of Russia. Dostoevsky and Tolstoy held views of human nature, Russia, and man's interactions with fellow man which drastically differed from those of Chernyshevsky and the radical intelligentsia. Dostoevsky and Tolstoy's hesitance to embrace Chernyshevsky's philosophy appears in their works, at times with great subtlety, and elucidation of the literary manifestations of their philosophic responses serves as the primary impetus for this paper.

Committee:

Thomas Newlin (Advisor); Arlene Forman (Committee Member); Heather Hogan (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Russian History; Slavic Literature

Keywords:

Chernyshevsky; What is to be Done?; Dostoevsky; Crime and Punishment; Tolstoy; Anna Karenina; Russian radical intelligentsia

Visotzky, Alexander M.Double-Edged Sword: Russia’s Use of Energy as Leverage in the Near Abroad
BA, Oberlin College, 2009, Politics
This work explores Russia’s use of energy as leverage in the near abroad. This work argues that different strategies of using energy, such as moderation or aggression, lead to different outcomes in the near abroad. The current work on Russian foreign policy fails to provide an explanation for the wildly different outcomes of Georgia and Ukraine – this work seeks to fill in those gaps.

Committee:

Lawrence Markowitz, PhD (Advisor)

Subjects:

International Relations; Political Science; Russian History

Keywords:

Russia; Georgia; Ukraine; energy; gas; oil; leverage; foreign policy; gazprom; itera

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