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Gutierrez, Daniel M.Wedges and quakes: new landscapes for Latino politics in California
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Despite being the largest minority in the U.S. the politics of Latinos remains an understudied and misunderstood phenomenon. While this dearth of knowledge can partially be attributed to neglect, when political scientists have taken an interest, they have too often relied upon ordinary circumstances and traditional thinking to classify the political identity and behavior of Latinos. When these conventional frames have fallen short, Latinos have either been cast-off as a defective version of the dominant typological exemplars, or worse, deemed as apolitical. To correct these deficiencies of scholarship, this study uses the wedge initiatives in California (Proposition 187; 209 and 227) to measure the political response of Latinos to a series of controversial political events in order to test the validity of traditional political identity frames in a contextual and contentious environment. In addition, the operating thesis of this work advances the notion of cultural citizenship as a viable and superior alternative to traditional group identity models and as a concept that successfully incorporates the unique experience of Latinos into its framework.

Committee:

William Nelson (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Latino/Hispanic politics; Race and ethnic politics; California politics; cultural citizenship; direct democracy; assimilation and cultural politics; Chicano politics; Southwestern politics

Yang, Karen JMedia coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates in Argentina's 2003 presidential election
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2006, Political Science
In the aftermath of Argentina’s December 2001 financial meltdown, the political class was widely blamed for the crisis that transformed this once predominantly middle-class country into a poor one. However, when new presidential elections were held in April 2003, establishment candidates generally placed higher relative to non-establishment candidates. To account for this puzzling election outcome, I examine the role that Argentine centrist print media may have played through their coverage of establishment and non-establishment candidates. The research design involves content analysis of front-page news articles from large, centrist newspapers, Clarín and La Nación, over an eleven-month period. To analyze the data, I rely on count data and multi-linear graphs as well as correlation coefficients and tests of significance. Testing two hypotheses, namely media attention and framing, I find that establishment candidates received more media attention, and perhaps more name recognition, than did non-establishment candidates. I also find that centrist print media framed candidate strengths and weaknesses in particular ways. Establishment candidates were portrayed as having competency and electability as their strengths and integrity as their weakness. In contrast, their non-establishment rivals were presented as having integrity as their strength and competency and electability as their weaknesses. This study shows that both the extensiveness and the slant in coverage may have advantaged establishment candidates over non-establishment candidates in terms of their ultimate standing in the polls. A discussion of pre-election and post-election survey results validate these findings by showing that media depictions of candidate competency and integrity were reasons named for candidate support. The value-added of this study is that it examines a macro level outcome in an original and systematic way by focusing on candidate information that voters may have relied on when making a voting decision. This, in turn, helps to shed light on the failure of democratic accountability in the aftermath of Argentina’s worst financial crisis. It also highlights how subtle yet significant media-supplied candidate information may have had in a crisis-driven election.

Committee:

Anthony Mughan (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Media and politics; Argentine politics; Media framing; Media attention; Comparative politics; Latin American politics; Election; Voting and Campaigning

Laird, Chryl NicoleBlack Like Me: The Malleability of African American Political Racial Group Identification
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2014, Political Science
Prior research in political behavior illustrates that individuals rely upon group identities in political decision-making. People who are highly identified with a particular group are likely to make choices in line with that group’s interest. Despite advancements in the literature, we still know considerably little about how identification with a certain group transforms into a salient political identification. Additionally, the existing literature does not provide or explain the mechanism that facilitates this transition? My argument is that political context significantly shapes not only the salience of the political attachment, but also the strength of that attachment. I use experimental methods to establish the malleability of political attachment to a group. In particular, I focus on Black Americans as the main test case due to the strong empirical evidence that demonstrates that their Black political attachment with the racial group, or linked fate, is fundamental to explaining political decisions and behavior. In my first study (Chapter 2), I test the contextual effects of racialized political discourse by varying explicit racial messages about which segments of the Black community are defined as a part of the broader “Black” interest. I find that Blacks that are not chronically included or excluded in political discourse—moveable Blacks—show significant increases in their linked fate when their interests are being framed as the major interest for the group. In the second study (Chapter 3), I argue that Blacks rely upon their political attachment with the racial group when they are exposed to a political context in which there is a conflict between their simple self-interest and the group-interest as a means to manage the cognitive dissonance. I conduct an experiment in which personal incentives are only received by opting out of the expected group norm of behavior. I find that Blacks respond with increases in their expressions of linked fate. In the third study (Chapter 4), I argue that self-reports of linked fate are significantly influenced by the presence of explicitly racial information in survey instruments. I test the effect of survey context by varying the location of explicitly racial information in a survey. I find that explicitly racial survey introductions did not lead to changes in linked fate attitudes but, the placement of the linked fate question in the survey instrument resulted in significant variation. Finally, in my last chapter, I discuss the implications of my results on our understanding of linked fate politics and future directions to consider in this line of research.

Committee:

Ismail White (Committee Co-Chair); Corrine McConnaughy (Committee Co-Chair); Thomas Nelson (Committee Member)

Subjects:

African American Studies; African Americans; Political Science

Keywords:

African American politics; Black politics; Race and Ethnic Politics; linked fate; political communication; field experiments; lab experiments; survey research; political psychology; political behavior; public opinion; political attitudes

Forjwuor, Bernard A.Between Democratic Promises and Socio-Political Realities: The Challenges of Political Representation in Ghana and Nigeria
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2009, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)
This comparative study explores the intersection between the perversion of representative political systems in Ghana and Nigeria and the performance of resistance. It draws heavily on psychoanalytical theory (as well as structuralism and constructivism) to understand how the burdens of colonial legacies and elite fantasies overwhelm the present representative democratic arrangements. From these theoretical lenses, the study further explore how these perverted political system legitimizes the marginalization of citizens and encourages the hijack of political spaces by elites. I concluded that the encroachment of public political space by elites trigger a resistive response from marginalized citizens.

Committee:

Dauda Abubakar (Committee Chair); Takaaki Suzuki (Committee Member); Myra Waterbury (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Representative Democracy; Politics in Nigeria; Politics in Ghana; Resistance; Elite politics; Marginalized citizenship

Kennedy, RyanLIFTING THE CURSE: DISTRIBUTION AND POWER IN PETRO-STATES
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2008, Political Science

While the empirical correlation between fuel exports and authoritarianism has become conventional wisdom, influencing academics and policy-makers, the answer for why fuel exporters tend to be more authoritarian has remained elusive. This study proposes a model based on the increased importance of government decision-making in determining the distribution of economic goods in societies that are dependent on fuel exports. These increases in government distribution, as a result of fuel development revenues primarily accruing to the state, take on three forms: direct payments and subsidization, government ownership of industry, and a more arbitrary enforcement of property rights. Countries are affected differently, dependent upon both their level of dependence and the size of revenues garnered from fuel exports. In countries with high per-capita fuel export income, fuel revenues are stabilizing for authoritarian regimes, as they provide the resources for maintaining support. In countries which are heavily dependent on fuel exports in the economy, but with a relatively low per-capita income from those exports, the increased importance of distribution in the economy results in greater instability in democratic regimes, as it increases the temptation for both government and opposition parties to lock in their share of relatively scarce resources through exclusionary politics.

Utilizing a dataset covering 166 countries from 1965 to 2001, I demonstrate that there is a general correlation between fuel export dependence and the importance of government distribution. I also find that income from fuel exports is generally stabilizing, especially for authoritarian regimes, while fuel dependence is destabilizing, especially for democracies. In addition, the same patterns of accumulation that fuel government distribution and resource competition, also promote incentives towards under-provision of public goods. This study demonstrates that fuel exporting states tend to have worse socio-economic performance than would be expected from their level of income. Finally, this study uses an in-depth case comparison of politics in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Moldova to demonstrate the causal mechanisms, and to test the dynamics of the model. Based on these findings, policy recommendations are made for methods of distribution that produce incentives more consistent with democratic governance.

Committee:

Marcus Kurtz, PhD (Committee Chair); Timothy Frye, PhD (Committee Member); Janet Box-Steffensmeier, PhD (Committee Member); Richard Gunther, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

oil; democratization; development politics; regime survival; post-Soviet politics

Brose, Eric DornChristian labor and politics of frustration in Imperial Germany /
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1978, Graduate School

Committee:

Not Provided (Other)

Subjects:

History

Keywords:

Labor unions;Germany-Politics and government-1848-1870;Germany-Politics and government-1871-1918

Makse, ToddThe Redistricting Cycle in American State Politics
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2010, Political Science

Redistricting is infamous as a partisan tool for the manipulation of legislative elections, but in reality, crafting party electoral strategies requires more than merely constructing salamander-shaped districts on a map. In recent years, that strategy must include a long-term component to account for the “redistricting cycle,” because, in the period following the Supreme Court’s “one person, one vote” decisions, redistricting has become a regular, predictable occurrence following each decennial Census.

The archetypal implications of this cycle for state legislative politics can be described succinctly as follows: Elections immediately following redistricting are fraught with uncertainty, as incumbents seek to acclimatize themselves to new districts, and challengers see incumbents as being unusually vulnerable. Later in the decade, incumbents re-establish themselves in their districts, and challengers are more hesitant to run. Finally, the decade concludes with a pivotal election, after which the legislative majority may possess the ability to shape elections for the next decade. The fittingness of this narrative depends on many factors that vary across states: the legal environment, legislative career patterns, political geography, and the existing redistricting plan. Only after accounting for these factors can parties develop sound strategies for competing in the next ten years of legislative elections.

In the first essay of this dissertation, I explore how the redistricting cycle influences party organizations’ allocation of resources to state legislative candidates. Here, parties must weigh two competing considerations: supporting the most competitive candidates and winning majority status in the legislature. In the elections immediately prior to redistricting, I argue that party strategy must prioritize gaining control of the redistricting process. I find that majority parties are particularly protective of their majority status and that minority parties aggressively try to win majority status, but that these patterns only exist in states where redistricting is a legislative responsibility.

In the second essay, I focus on party behavior in the creation of redistricting plans, particularly the extent to which incumbents’ districts are kept geographically intact. I argue that this form of partisan manipulation can be more valuable than manipulations that focus on the partisan composition of districts. I find that long-term membership stability plays a key role in determining the relative importance of district intactness: it is considerably more important in career legislatures and less important in springboard legislatures.

In the third essay, I return to the subject of party finance and turn my attention to the uncertain electoral environment that follows redistricting. I argue that party organizations devise strategies that are responsive to redistricting outcomes, and particularly to changes in partisan composition and geographic constituencies that individual incumbents face. I find that party organizations are successful in “implementing” redistricting plans: parties in springboard legislatures are most responsive to targeting based on voting patterns, while parties in career legislatures are highly responsive to patterns of constituency change.

The combined findings of these essays demonstrate that parties have become adept at exploiting the contours of the redistricting cycle, despite empirical evidence suggesting that partisan gains from redistricting are limited, conditional, and short-term.

Committee:

Dr. Craig Volden (Advisor); Dr. Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier (Committee Member); Dr. Alan Wiseman (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

redistricting; political parties; state politics; campaign finance; legislative politics; elections

Mecum, Mark M.Solving Alliance Cohesion: NATO Cohesion After the Cold War
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2007, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)
Why does NATO remain a cohesive alliance in the post-Cold War era? This question, which has bewildered international relations scholars for years, can tell us a lot about institutional dynamics of alliances. Since traditional alliance theory indicates alliances form to counter threat or power, it is challenging to understand how and why NATO continues to exist after its founding threat and power – communism and the USSR – no longer exist. The fluctuation of cohesion in NATO since the end of the Cold War will be examined to determine how cohesion is forged and maintained. To achieve this, alliance theories will be fused into a clear and understandable model to measure cohesion.

Committee:

Patricia Weitsman (Advisor)

Keywords:

NATO; North Atlantic Treaty Organization; International Relations; Foreign Policy; United States Foreign Policy; Alliances; Military Alliances; World Politics, 20th Century; World Politics, 21st Century; Diplomacy; Balance of Power

COGLEY, CHARLES ZACHARYJustice and Mulit-Party Politics
MA, University of Cincinnati, 2002, Arts and Sciences : Philosophy
In the thesis entitled "Justice and Multi-Party Politics" I argue that minor-party candidates in the United States cannot fairly compete in elections with major-party candidates. In an attempt to understand their situation I turn to the theory of justice advanced by John Rawls. But Rawls’s approach runs into difficulties when suggesting ways in which we might improve the situation for minor-party candidates. I therefore suggest that we also utilize the concept of the public sphere, as elucidated by Jürgen Habermas, to see our way clear of the difficulties. But Habermas, while providing a better account of the problem, still fails to give a satisfactory proposal for improving the situation. I therefore enlist the theoretical insights of Nancy Fraser and Iris Young, who suggest that the public sphere will operate most fairly when it is actually made up of multiple heterogeneous publics. Political parties are examples of publics, so I consider whether adopting reforms that would encourage a multi-party system would result in a more just political process. Additional parties might help some groups, especially those that have historically lacked political voice, a greater role in government. But additional parties could also serve to fragment social movements or even to allocate additional resources to hate groups. After considering some of the problems that a multi-party American political system might face, I argue that the potential benefits of such a system outweigh the risks if certain reforms are adopted and party building begins at the local level and builds upward.

Committee:

Chris Cuomo (Advisor)

Keywords:

Rawls; Fraser; Young; Habermas; Justice; Public Sphere; Multi-Party Politics; Third Party Politics

Kidwell, Kirk S.Reading the state writing: Michel Foucault and the production of American political culture
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, English
In this dissertation, I seek to answer two critical questions. First, what transformations have occurred in American political culture such that, in 1798, when the U.S. Congress enacted one of the first pieces of health-related legislation the heart of the debate was whether providing for the health care of the citizenry was a legitimate object for governmental action, but when, 200 years later, Congress debates health care legislation the issue is no longer whether the state should take action but what action the state should take? Second, what form would a Foucauldian approach to this question take and what answers would such an approach produce? Accordingly, the dissertation has a two-fold focus: (1) an analysis of Michel Foucault’s methodologies of archaeology and genealogy and of his thought concerning discourse, power, and government; (2) a deployment of that analysis in an investigation of the production of American political culture since the founding of the American Republic in 1787-1788. In other words, the critical problem the dissertation addresses concerns the development and application of Foucauldian critical methodologies to the analysis of American political culture. Chapter One introduces both the investigation of Foucault’s thought about political culture and the critique of American political culture through an analysis of Understanding AIDS, a brochure the federal government sent to every household in the nation in 1988. The second chapter offers a close reading of Foucault’s genealogy of Western political culture in order to establish a (Foucauldian) theory of bio-political culture. Chapter Three extends this investigation by reworking Foucault’s theory of discourse and by deploying that theory in an archaeological analysis of the political discourse circulating during the debate over the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. In the final chapter, I offer a genealogical analysis of the emergence of American bio-political culture during the first decades of the twentieth century, based upon Foucault’s concept of power and power-knowledge relations. I conclude the dissertation by considering how the theory of political culture and the methodology for reading political cultural discourses and practices which I have developed might be used to analyze other state bio-political campaigns.

Committee:

Debra Moddelmog (Advisor)

Keywords:

Foucault, Michel; bio-politics; bio-power; American political culture; health, politics of

Akita, Edward M.Hegemony, Patriarchy and Human Rights: The Representation of Ghanaian Women in Politics
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2010, Curriculum and Instruction Cultural Studies (Education)

The research topic Hegemony, Patriarchy and Human Rights: The Representation of Women in Ghanaian Politics, evolved as a result of years of examining the Ghanaian political spectrum, especially the dynamics of political representation and participation which seemed to be skewed towards one particular gender the male. Ghana operates a Parliamentary democracy which calls for fair and equal representation. The research examines the relationship between males and females in Ghana's political sphere, and how that could undermine equal democratic representation. The objective of the research was threefold, 1) researching into how women desiring to enter politics navigate their way into it, 2) how women already in politics navigate the environment and 3) how our Ghanaian socio-cultural context impacts these women. The research was conducted based on five research questions namely: 1) What socio-cultural factors impact women's participation in political positions in Ghana? 2) What are the experiences of women in local and national politics? 3) What radical changes in policies have opened the way for women participation in politics? 4) What are the impediments, challenges, and successes that women in political leadership and non political leadership experience as a result of their gender? 5) What are the contributions of women in leadership to the politics of Ghana?

Gramsci's theoretical concept of hegemony and the postmodernist Postcolonial Feminist theory from the perspectives of McClintock and Mohanty, combined with relevant literature on women in politics informed the study. Literature reviewed among others covered areas such as patriarchy, hegemony, global women, women in Ghana, and human rights.

The study adopted a phenomenological case study approach. Using this qualitative methodology, this study fills a gap in the literature on women and politics in Ghana in that it uniquely uses the voices of female politicians in Ghana to name their experiences in the political sphere. The experiences of these women, navigating politics within the seemingly entrenched socio-cultural framework forms the basis of this study. Twenty participants were purposively sampled for the study, aged between 28 and 68. The study was conducted through one-on-one interviews using semi-structured interviews with 15 former and current members of Parliament in Ghana as well as some significant others, a focus group interview with 5 participants, observation of parliamentary proceedings, and document analysis of Parliamentary Hansards. The analyses were based on data gathered between November 2009 - January 2010.

The research findings reveal a complex socio-cultural matrix in which Ghanaian women find themselves namely; the unequal representation, the reality of not being treated as partners, and the price women pay when they braze the odds to venture into politics. Further, it was shown that Ghanaian socialization processes place women in subordinate positions, and this mentality is carried into public sphere. This particularly compromises the position of women operating in the Ghana's political context. Other findings were the dysfunctional policies of government and political parties.

Conclusions drawn were indicative of phenomenal disadvantages society consciously and unconsciously places in the path of women in their quest for political self-actualization. As a way forward, suggestions such as a conscious effort by society in these contemporary times to affect and interrupt entrenched structures to suit the dictates of the times, enforcing and deepening equality among men and women, opening wider the doors to political power for females, and creating a political culture that is both male and female friendly were suggested. Implications for theory, policy, women organizations and other civil society structures as well as contributions to the literature have been discussed. Suggestions for future research have also been given.

Committee:

Francis Godwyll, Dr. (Committee Chair); Arthur Hughes, Dr. (Committee Member); Adah Ward Randolph, Dr. (Committee Member); Najee Muhammad, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Education

Keywords:

Hegemony; Patriarchy; Human Rights; Women in Politics; Gender Contract; Socialization and Politics; Postcolonial Feminism; Political Tokenism and Culture

Camara, SambaSufism and Politics among Senegalese Immigrants in Columbus, Ohio: Ndigel and the Voting Preferences of a Transnational Community
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2013, African Studies (International Studies)
The electoral ndigel is a voting command issued by some Senegalese Sufi leaders to their followers in support of one political party or another. Since 1946, this phenomenon has exemplified the religious leaders’ influence on the electoral outcomes. In the last decades, however, the electoral ndigel seems to have declined in influence, especially among the Senegalese voters in the diaspora who can partake in Senegalese elections through `distance-voting programs.’ By analyzing the electoral preferences of Senegalese citizens in Columbus, Ohio, this study argues that the decline of the electoral ndigel in this particular locality is based on the diasporic voters’ acquisition of a greater political awareness, achievement of financial independence and exposure to a politically more secular American culture. The study is structured in five chapters. Chapter 1 provides a historical background on the evolution of the religion-politics nexus in Senegal. It discusses different phases of Islamic militancy and explains how the state-tarixa relationship has evolved overtime. Chapter 2 examines how deterritorialization of Senegalese Sufi taalibes in general has contributed to the globalization of Senegalese tarixas in different ways. Chapter 3 discusses the methodology of research and data collection. Chapter 4 focuses on the case study, Columbus (Ohio), and discusses the translation of that globalization into `long-distance’ political participation. It also investigates how Senegalese immigrants integrate Columbus, Ohio in different modes. More importantly, the chapter also discusses different transnational factors which cause the Senegalese expatriate voters to opt for a more ndigel-free voting. Finally, chapter 5 presents a set of remarks and recommendations about the participation of Columbus Senegalese in the distance-voting programs.

Committee:

Brandon Kendhammer, Ph. D (Committee Chair); Loren Lybarger, Ph. D (Committee Member); Steve Howard, Ph. D (Committee Member)

Subjects:

African History; African Studies; Black Studies; Cultural Anthropology; Divinity; Ethnic Studies; Islamic Studies; Minority and Ethnic Groups; Philosophy; Political Science; Regional Studies; Religion; Religious Congregations; Spirituality; Sub Saharan Africa Studies; Theology

Keywords:

Political Islam in Senegal; Senegalese immigrants in Columbus, Ohio; Religion and Politics; Migration and citizenship; Sufism and Politics; transnational Sufism; Voting command; Democracy in Senegal; deterritorialization; hybridized citizenship; Ndigel

Elkan, Daniel AcostaThe Colonia Next Door: Puerto Ricans in the Harlem Community, 1917-1948
Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2017, American Culture Studies
This study examines the community-based political work of the pionero generation of Puerto Rican migrants to New York City from their collective naturalization under the Jones Act in 1917 to 1948, when political changes on the island changed migration flows to North America. Through discourse analysis of media narratives in black, white mainstream, and Spanish-language newspapers, as well as an examination of histories of Puerto Rican and allied activism in Harlem, I analyze how Puerto Ricans of this era utilized and articulated their own citizenship- both as a formal legal status and as a broader sense of belonging. By viewing this political work through the perspectives of a range of Harlem political actors, I offer new insights as to how the overlapping and interconnected multicultural communities in Harlem contributed to New York's status (in the words of historian Juan Flores) as a "diaspora city." I argue that as Puerto Ricans came to constitute a greater social force in the city, dominant narratives within their discursive and political work shifted from a search for recognition by the rest of society to a demand for empowerment from the bottom up and emanating from the Puerto Rican community outward, leading to a diasporic consciousness which encompassed both the quotidian problems of life in the diaspora and the political and economic issues of the island. A localized process of community-building bound diaspora Puerto Ricans more closely together and re-constituted internal social connections, supported an analysis of social problems shared with other Latinx people and African Americans, and utilized ideological solidarities to encourage coalitional politics as a means for mutual empowerment. In drawing Puerto Ricans into a broad and rich history of Harlem, I consider the insights of a range of neighborhood individuals and groups, including African American and West Indian (im)migrants, allied white populations such as progressive Italians and pacifist organizers, and Puerto Ricans themselves. The resulting analysis from the spaces between Harlem's diverse communities in the early 20th century offers contributions to a range of disciplines and fields, including Puerto Rican and Latinx Studies, African American Studies, Urban History, Media Studies/History, and Sociology.

Committee:

Susana Peña, Dr. (Advisor); Lara Lengel, Dr. (Other); Vibha Bhalla, Dr. (Committee Member); Nicole Jackson, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

African American Studies; African Americans; American History; American Studies; Black History; Black Studies; Ethnic Studies; Hispanic American Studies; Hispanic Americans; History; Latin American History; Minority and Ethnic Groups; Sociology

Keywords:

Activism; African Americans; Anti-Colonialism; Citizenship; Coalitional Politics; Colonialism; Community-Building; Diaspora; Empowerment; Harlem; Immigration; Jones Act; Latinos; Media; Migration; Nationalism; New York City; Puerto Ricans; Urban Politics

Helgason, Agnar FEssays in the Comparative Political Economy of Taxation and Redistribution
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2015, Political Science
This dissertation consists of four self-contained essays in the comparative political economy of taxation and redistribution. The first essay empirically explores the underlying dynamics of the well known empirical regularity that democracies that have proportional electoral systems spend substantively more on welfare policies than those that have majoritarian systems. The essay contributes to the literature by bringing new micro-level evidence to bear on theories seeking to explain the phenomena, and as such provides a stronger empirical foundation for evaluating the theories in question. Overall, I find robust support for more proportionality leading to more income-based voting. The second essay provides a theoretically-driven conceptualization of absolute and relative individual income shifts and argues that the conceptualization of income shifts has important implications for how we think about the effects of the economy on redistributive preferences. The essay presents a general theoretical framework, which accounts for empirical findings on both the effects of economic mobility and macroeconomic cycles on redistribution. Based on a novel experimental ``redistribution game'', the results indicate that expected shifts in absolute and relative income have opposite effects on preferences. The third essay argues that employment insecurity as a critical and salient factor determining incumbent support and voter turnout. The theory developed goes beyond existing approaches by providing a better conceptualized measure of salient economic experiences, as well as highlighting that the economy can often serve both as a valance and positional issue, which can have important implications for the effects of the economy on voting behavior. Finally, the fourth essay develops and empirically tests a theory of the domestic political foundations of the adoption of the value added tax, or VAT. Building on the recent literature on the relationship between regressive taxation and welfare state generosity, I hypothesize that generous welfare states, left-wing governments, corporatist labor market institutions, and consensus building political institutions should all increase the probability of early adoption of the VAT. I find strong support for the effects of corporatism and proportional representation on early adoption of the VAT. Conversely, I find no support for the proposition that welfare state generosity or left-wing government partisanship facilitate early adoption of the VAT.

Committee:

Philipp Rehm (Advisor); Janet Box-Steffensmeier (Committee Member); Sarah Brooks (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Comparative Politics; Politics; Political Economy; Redistribution; Taxation

Malone, Chad AllenBehind the Drug Wars: Determinants and Consequences of State Crack and Powder Cocaine Laws, 1976 – 2011
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2015, Sociology
This dissertation explores the social, political, and economic factors that influence the severity of U.S. state-level crack/powder cocaine drug laws and prison admission rates over time. To the best of my knowledge, this empirical assessment of the determinants of changes in state-level drug law strength from 1977 to 2010 is the first of its kind. Furthermore, a review of the literature reveals that the subsequent use of such a wide-ranging drug law strength indicator to predict changes in state-level prison admission rates from 1978 to 2011 also is unparalleled. Estimates from two-way fixed-effects pooled cross-sectional models suggest that percent black, the presence of a Republican governor, real median household income (i.e., the tax base), and violent crime rates are positively associated with state drug law strength and prison admission rates. State drug law strength also is a positive predictor of state prison admission rates, but only for states in the South and ex-Confederate states. And contrary to claims often made in the literature, I find that the effects of state drug law strength on state prison admission rates are best characterized as unremarkable to moderate. This is especially the case when these effects are considered alongside those of other relevant explanatory variables.

Committee:

Ryan King (Committee Chair); Andrew Martin (Committee Member); Paul Bellair (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Criminology; Law; Social Research; Social Structure; Sociology

Keywords:

crack; powder; cocaine; drugs; drug laws; imprisonments; imprisonment rate; partisan politics; gendered politics; racial threat; black threat; economic threat; violent crime; violent crime rate; drug law strength; prison admission

Setianto, Yearry P.Media Use and Mediatization of Transnational Political Participation: The Case of Transnational Indonesians in the United States
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2016, Mass Communication (Communication)
This dissertation explores the interplay between diasporic life of transnational Indonesians in the United States and their use of media to engage in the long-distance politics of their home country. It aims to investigate how, and to what extent, that people in diaspora use media to perform mediatization of transnational-homeland politics. In this dissertation, I also exemplified the theory of mediatization of politics by examining the appropriation of various media platforms by Indonesian diaspora in two metropolitan areas, Washington, D. C. and Los Angeles, both in their electoral and non-electoral political engagement. Utilizing a multi-sited media ethnographic, which includes ten months of participant observations and thirty in-depth interviews between October 2014 and July 2015, I examine the complexity of Indonesian diaspora’s relationship with media and transnational politics. In my empirical chapters, in addition to the discussion of increasing availability of homeland media content in diaspora, I analyze how the presence of diaspora spaces enabled these displaced nationals to foster their sense of community, which eventually would help them to maintain their relationship with their country of origin’s matters, including politics. While Indonesian diaspora exhibited dual-nature of media use, accessing both host land and homeland media, it was the consumption of homeland political news that I found as the most prominent practice demonstrated by overseas Indonesian to mediatize their long-distance political participation. Furthermore, in various diasporic political engagements, media practice was not only amalgamated with non-media political activism, but to some extent, also was considered to be the preexisting condition of transnational Indonesians’ involvement in their home country’s political sphere. Finally, this dissertation argues that the degree of mediatization of transnational politics was amplified by both media and non-media factors. While media factors included structural and individual elements, such as media and audience availability, non-media factors were associated with the issues of homeland and host land conditions, where each factor should be understood as interrelated. Despite some variations, most of people in diaspora had an equal chance to participate in home country’s politics due to the availability of Indonesian political content, mainly through online and social media, which highlights the multifaceted mediatization of politics of diasporic community.

Committee:

Drew McDaniel, Dr. (Advisor); Roger Cooper, Dr. (Committee Member); Robert Stewart, Dr. (Committee Member); Gene Ammarell, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Communication; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Political Science

Keywords:

transnational politics; Indonesian diaspora; media and diaspora; mediatization; mediatization of politics; mediatization theory; audience research, multi-sited ethnography;

Bonnette, Lakeyta MoniqueKey Dimensions of Black Political Ideology: Contemporary Black Music and Theories of Attitude Formation
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2009, Political Science
There is very little empirical research completed on the connection of rap music to ideology. Similarly, extensive research on rap and gender or Black Nationalist ideology and gender is also lacking. Research on rap music focuses on various aspects of rap qualitatively and quantitatively. These studies have included topics as wide as rap as a form of information exchange, the psychological effects of rap on perceptions of women, and the effects of rap on propensity for violent behavior. However, the quantitative research on the affects of rap on political attitude formation or acceptance is very limited.This dissertation broadens the current research by considering the impact of political rap music on the acceptance and support of Black Nationalist ideology. This dissertation examines if political rap has an impact on the support of Black Nationalism while exploring the differences of this acceptance between gender and other demographic characteristics. This study utilizes a multi-method approach combining experimental research and survey data. Using data from the 1993-1994 National Black Politics Study, the findings demonstrate a relationship between exposure to rap and support of Black Nationalist ideology. Specifically, these results display that those who listen to rap have a higher significant relationship with Black Nationalist than those who do not listen to rap. Overall, there exist relationships between support of Black Nationalist sentiment age, listening to rap, and gender. Experiments demonstrate causal relationships between political rap music and the formation of Black Nationalist attitudes. Specifically, Chapter Four details that listening to political rap lead to increased support of Black Nationalism compared to listening to pop music, mainstream rap or listening to no music at all. The study also includes content analysis that illustrates specific nationalist messages that displayed in political rap lyrics. This research expands the knowledge of public opinion and continues the debate about the voice of information networks and popular culture on the formation of political attitudes. For instance, in public opinion research it is often assumed that the public does not have consistent and stable opinions or attitudes about most political issues. Essentially, many political analysts believe that the majority of Americans are uninformed. This study speaks to this literature by establishing a direct connection between popular music, specifically, political rap and attitude formation.

Committee:

Dr. William E. Nelson, Jr, PhD (Committee Chair); Dr. Harwood McClerking, PhD (Committee Member); Dr. Thomas E. Nelson, PhD (Committee Member); Dr. Wendy G. Smooth, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

African Americans; Behaviorial Sciences; Experiments; Mass Media; Minority and Ethnic Groups; Music; Political Science; Psychology

Keywords:

Black Music; Black Politics; political ideology; public opinion; rap music; Hip-Hop; African American Politics

Brown-Dean, Khalilah L.One lens, multiple views: felon disenfranchisement laws and American political inequality
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Felon disenfranchisement laws prohibit current, and in many states, former felony offenders from voting. Of particular interest to my research, 36% of the citizens permanently unable to vote are African Americans. It is important to note that state laws determine who is eligible to vote. States have the option of disenfranchising felons while in prison, while on parole, on probation, or for a lifetime. This dissertation combines traditional democratic theory with elements of the racial group competition literatures to form a lens for understanding the historical use and contemporary consequences of criminal disenfranchisement laws. Using a multi-method approach combining archival research, experiments, and cross-sectional analyses, the findings of this research contradict much of the existing literature's assertion that racial minorities have successfully overcome the institutional barriers to full participation. In essence, these findings affirm the extent to which criminal control policies have become a powerful means of promoting the politics of exclusion. Using an original state-level data set, I find that the level of minority diversity and region are the most significant determinants of the severity of states' disenfranchisement laws. In particular, I find that southern states and states with more sizeable Black and Hispanic voting-age populations tend to have more severe restrictions on felon voting. I find that elite discourse surrounding disenfranchisement has evolved from an explicit focus on race and racial discrimination to a more subtle priming of racial group considerations and stereotypes. Combining these findings with the experimental data, I find that public support for felon disenfranchisement is influenced by the frames elites use to discuss them. When disenfranchisement laws are presented as a threat to democratic vitality, citizens' support for them tends to be lower. However, when disenfranchisement is presented as a means of punishing those who have broken the public trust, support is higher. These findings confirm the importance of political elites for helping citizens make sense of complex political issues. Taken together, the research presented in this dissertation supports the view that the racial group competition lens illuminates multiple views regarding the limits of citizenship as well as contemporary barriers to political equality.

Committee:

Paul Beck (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

disenfranchisement; democracy; American Politics; Black Politics

Mpondi, DouglasEducational change and cultural politics: national identity-formation in Zimbabwe
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2004, Cultural Studies in Education (Education)

The study investigates how the post-independent government of Zimbabwe, as seen through the lens of its cultural critics, used the institution of education as a focal point for nation-building and social transformation. The project examines how critics respond to the use of educational change as a way of political legitimization. Whilst a number of scholars have focused on post-colonial Zimbabwe during the post-1980 period, they did not have the chance to study it during the post-2000 era, which was a critical and dramatic historical juncture because of the turmoil and a reversal trend of the promises that were made at independence.

The qualitative research approach was formulated to collect data on education and language policy, politics and culture from a cross-section of people of the Zimbabwean society. Brief case study interviews were conducted to provide newer and richer details on Zimbabwean cultural landscape. The research design was structured to allow for the use of documentary and archival sources for the collection of qualitative and historical data, participant-observation, and for the use of the interview to solicit perspectives, viewpoints and perceptions.

The case study of Zimbabwe shows that an official historiography of national culture was imposed at independence through educational change as a way of political legitimization. The Zimbabwean education system is situated in the context of culture, knowledge and power. While the Zimbabwean official discourse on national culture includes claims to homogeneity, it also conflicts directly with the leadership elite’s maintenance of hierarchies of class. The elites actually need the heterogeneity they also deny. The postcolonial state is replicating the colonial state. English dominates as the media of instruction in schools and as the official language in Zimbabwe. The curriculum is itself part of what has been called a selective tradition. The curriculum is always the result of struggle and comprise. Zimbabwean artists, through music and literature are fighting for the creation of new political spaces and public spheres that fall outside traditional definitions of the government. Artistic expression expands discursive space and dialogue on national issues and gives us alternative stories and possibilities about Zimbabwean realities, cultures, and identities.

Committee:

Stephen Howard (Advisor)

Subjects:

Education, General

Keywords:

Future Education and Politics in Zimbabwe; Identity Politics in Zimbabwe; Art and Social Change

Orr, Scott DavidDemocratic identity: the role of ethnic and regional identities in the success of failure of democracy in Eastern Europe
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2005, Political Science
The project tests the hypothesis that individuals who see themselves as members of multiple social groups (for example, groups based on profession, class, ideology, gender, or any number of other ties) that “cross-cut” each other—rather than solely as members of mutually exclusive groups (such as those structured along ethnic, religious, or regional lines)—will be more willing to support democratic practices, including cooperation with erstwhile opponents, tolerance of dissent, and willingness to compromise. As a result, countries where more individuals perceive identities as cross-cutting will be more successful as democracies and implement policies that benefit their citizens. This theory has much in common with early theories about the importance to democracy of “cross-cutting ties” in society, but the emphasis is less on the objective ties, and more on the ways in which different individuals perceive identities based on those ties. A quantitative study focuses on the first hypothesis in the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, Poland, Slovakia, and Ukraine. Ethnic and regional identities and support for democratic behaviors are measured through secondary analysis of social surveys, including the New Democracy Barometers and a number of other polls from 1988 to the present. Structural equation modeling is used to analyze the interaction of demographic variables, identity, democratic attitudes, and voting behavior. A qualitative study focuses on the second hypothesis by examining two policy areas in Latvia, Poland, and Ukraine. I conducted interviews with activists in women’s and environmental NGO’s. If the hypothesis is correct, women’s and environmental issues—issues that by their very nature invoke identities that cross-cut ethnic and regional identities—should find more sympathy in countries where identities are not viewed as mutually exclusive. The two parts of the project provide considerable support for the hypotheses. If these hypotheses are indeed correct, and social identity is critical to the functioning of democracy, then measures to shape social identity may become an important tool in the repertoire of democratic reformers, including those who work in the countries of East Central Europe.

Committee:

Goldie Shabad (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Ethnic politics; Regional politics; Social identity; Transitions to democracy; Eastern Europe; East Central Europe; Czech Republic; Estonia; Latvia; Poland; Slovakia; Ukraine; Non-governmental organizations; Environmental issues; Women's issues

Rosen, Christopher CharlesPolitics, Stress, and Exchange Perceptions: A Dual Process Model Relating Organizational Politics to Employee Outcomes
Doctor of Philosophy, University of Akron, 2006, Psychology-Industrial/Organizational
The current study investigated the underlying mechanisms which relate perceptions of organizational politics to employee outcomes. A review of the literature suggested that there are two paths through which politics perceptions likely affect employee attitudes and behaviors. First, organizational politics may cause work-related stress which in turn relates to negative affective responses and undesirable work behaviors. Second, contemporary theorists have proposed that organizational politics has a negative impact on the employee-organization social exchange relationship. The study presented and tested a model in which these two mediating mechanisms – stress and exchange perceptions – translate high levels of organizational politics into less favorable employee attitudes (i.e., morale, trust) and behaviors (i.e., citizenship behaviors, task performance, counterproductive work behaviors, and withdrawal from the organization). In addition, it was proposed that political skill would buffer the negative effects of politics on stress and on exchange perceptions. Structural equation modeling analyses indicated that the feedback environment and organizational politics related to outcome measures of performance, counterproductive work behaviors, and withdrawal. The relationships involving OCBs and withdrawal were mediated by stress, social exchange perceptions, and morale. However, counter to the proposed mediational hypotheses, trust, task performance, and CWBs were only direct outcomes of organizational politics. In addition, moderated multiple regression analyses indicated that political skill moderated the relationships between politics and both stress and exchange perceptions. As proposed, the relationship between politics and stress was weakest for those highest in political skill. However, counter to hypothesis, the negative relationship between politics and exchange perceptions was strongest for those high in political skill. Thus, this study provided support for the proposed dual process model. However, there was only limited evidence that political skill buffers the negative effects of politics on employees. Exploratory analyses further examined the relationships among politics, trust, stress, and political skill. These analyses indicated that trust may fully mediate the effects of politics on stress. In addition, there is evidence that political skill moderates the effects of politics on trust such that there is a stronger negative relationship between politics and trust for those who are higher in political skill.

Committee:

Paul Levy (Advisor)

Subjects:

Psychology, Industrial

Keywords:

perceptions of organizational politics; politics perceptions; morale; performance; exchange perceptions; stress; counterproductive work behaviors; feedback environment; feedback; organizational citizenship behaviors; withdrawal

Chidambaram, SoundaryaWelfare, Patronage, and the Rise Of Hindu Nationalism in India's Urban Slums
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2012, Political Science
The electoral defeat of the Hindu nationalist party in the last two parliamentary elections in India, and the absence of widespread large-scale religious violence since the 1992 riots, have often been taken as evidence of the retreat of rightwing Hindu forces in Indian politics. This however ignores the network of powerful civil society organizations that constitute the Hindu nationalist movement operating outside the realm of electoral politics. They have strongly entrenched themselves amongst urban slum neighborhoods across Indian cities by filling gaps in social services, particularly since the rolling back of the state due to neoliberal reforms. My project addresses the empirical puzzle of variation in the success of such sectarian Hindu organizations across Indian cities. Neoliberal reforms since the 1990s have led to informalization of labor in urban areas. The state’s withdrawal from welfare provision creates a crucial need for welfare provision among the urban poor, yet the concomitant decline in labor union activism leaves them unable to mobilize for collective protest. They are forced to depend on alternative social networks, thus creating space for exclusivist Hindu organizations that recruit the urban poor through provision of crucial services such as education and healthcare. However, economic dislocations do not increase the appeal of such sectarian organizations everywhere. When do Hindu NGOs fail to resonate with the urban poor? I argue that they fail when local associations in urban slums function as efficient political patronage networks, inducing state political parties to meet welfare needs adequately. When “everyday” networks of engagement based around the local neighborhood are strong, as well as rooted in local politics with strong linkages to local party officials, the urban poor are able to bargain collectively for better service provision from political parties, thus decreasing their dependence on sectarian groups. I test my hypotheses using a Small-N comparison designed on the Most Similar Systems Design principle, focusing on the states of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. Based on survey data analysis, and data from 75 interviews conducted with right-wing Hindu organizations, other NGOs, bureaucratic officials, and politicians, during six months of fieldwork (June-December 2009), I find that Tamil Nadu has informal local associations mediating between the urban poor and party representatives, whereas Karnataka is a case where patronage ties linking the parties and poor voters are on the decline, thus producing the variation in the success of Hindu nationalist organizations. In Karnataka, the proliferation of elite-dominated NGOs catering exclusively to the middle class, and centralization tendencies of the state government are examined in order to analyze how the local power structures have been overridden, causing informal patronage arrangements to break down and allowing Hindu organizations to fill that space. In Tamil Nadu, the legacy of the lower-caste movement not only created a distinct identity politics that was not receptive to calls for Hindu unity by rightwing forces, but the unique associational networks that emerged out of this movement created political incentives that induced parties to distribute services efficiently and inclusively, thus reducing the space for Hindu nationalists.

Committee:

Irfan Nooruddin (Advisor); Sarah Brooks (Committee Member); Marcus Kurtz (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Ethnic politics; urban politics; welfare and representation; political clientelism; South Asia; India; Hindu nationalism

Lincoln, Jennie May KahLand to the peasants : the Peruvian military in action - an agrarian reform policy study /
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1978, Graduate School

Committee:

Not Provided (Other)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Land reform;Peru-Politics and government-1968-;Peru-Politics and government-1919-1968

Hsu, Chen-kuo,The political base of changing strategy toward private enterprise in Taiwan, 1945-1955 /
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1987, Graduate School

Committee:

Not Provided (Other)

Subjects:

Economics

Keywords:

Capitalism--Taiwan;Taiwan--Economic policy--1945-1975;Taiwan--Politics and government--1945-1975

Wilcox, William ClydeThe new Christian Right and the white fundamentalists : an analysis of a potential political movement /
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1984, Graduate School

Committee:

Not Provided (Other)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Fundamentalism;Evangelicalism;Christianity and politics

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