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Vossing, Konstantin W.The formation of social democratic parties. Degrees of inclusion as external constraints and the strategic choices of labor elites
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2008, Political Science

Despite a long tradition of research on class politics, the labor movement, socialism, and related subjects, there is still no comprehensive explanation for why different national labor movements opted for varying ways of entering the political arena. This dissertation fills that void by developing and testing a theory for the emergence of social democracy and competing models of labor politics. On the basis of a comprehensive typology, it accounts for the formation of different types of social democratic parties – quasi-revolutionary and evolutionary – as well as for the failure of social democracy that coincides with the embrace of either insurrectionism (through a bolshevik or an anarchist-syndicalist type) or moderate syndicalism as alternative models.

I argue that these varying ways for labor to enter the political arena emerge as optimal choices of labor elites in response to varying degrees of labor inclusion as a set of external constraints. This encountered environment is defined by the extent of labor’s institutional and behavioral integration into some given polity. When labor elites make suboptimal choices due to the effects of exogenous factors on their decision-making process, outcomes move ‘off the equilibrium path’.

The empirical analysis conducted in this dissertation to test the suggested theory extends to all sufficiently industrialized and independent polities during the late 19th and early 20th century. It involves a systematic assessment of socio-economic data, constitutional and other legal documents, party statutes, party programs, as well as programmatic statements from leading labor movement elites. I show that labor elites made generally optimal choices in the vast majority of cases. Varying degrees of labor inclusion as a causally determining external constraint therefore correctly predict the outcome in 17 out of 20 investigated countries. An additional analysis of cases that are ‘off the equilibrium path’ accounts systematically for the sources of suboptimal decision-making.

Committee:

Richard Gunther (Advisor); Anthony Mughan (Committee Member); Richard Hamilton (Committee Member); Herbert Kitschelt (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

labor; social democracy; institutionalism; labor elites

Oyakawa, MichelleBuilding A Movement In The Non-Profit Industrial Complex
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2017, Sociology
Today, democracy in the United States is facing a major challenge: Wealthy elites have immense power to influence election outcomes and policy decisions, while the political participation of low-income people and racial minorities remains relatively low. In this context, non-profit social movement organizations are one of the key vehicles through which ordinary people can exercise influence in our political system and pressure elite decision-makers to take action on matters of concern to ordinary citizens. A crucial fact about social movement organizations is that they often receive significant financial support from elites through philanthropic foundations. However, there is no research that details exactly how non-profit social movement organizations gain resources from elites or that analyzes how relationships with elite donors impact grassroots organizations’ efforts to mobilize people to fight for racial and economic justice. My dissertation aims to fill that gap. It is an ethnographic case study of a multiracial statewide organization called the Ohio Organizing Collaborative (OOC) that coordinates progressive social movement organizations in Ohio. Member organizations work on a variety of issues, including ending mass incarceration, environmental justice, improving access to early childhood education, and raising the minimum wage. In 2016, the OOC registered over 155,000 people to vote in Ohio. I conducted 55 semi-structured interviews with staff members of OOC and allied organizations, including funders. I also observed 330 hours of OOC meetings and events and collected over 1300 documents pertaining to OOC’s history and fundraising. Using funds from foundations, the OOC has made progress toward their goal of building social movement infrastructure in Ohio. However, the OOC faces tension between the demands of its elite funding sources on one hand and its mission to organize communities on the other. This work illuminates the mechanisms through which elites impact efforts to organize poor people and people of color. Non-profit organizational fields, often referred to by social movement leaders as the non-profit industrial complex (NPIC), are governed by a technocratic political logic wherein elite experts determine strategy and decide what issues to prioritize. The Ohio Organizing Collaborative, on the other hand, is governed by a populist political logic, which holds that political leaders should prioritize the demands of ordinary people. I find that the NPIC limits nonprofit organization leaders’ ability to build trust and authentically engage ordinary citizens in the political process. The structure of the NPIC distorts accountability, making organizers beholden to elite funders instead of grassroots leaders. Issue-based funding and short-term grants make it difficult for organizers to focus on their primary mission, which involves recruiting and mentoring community members and building relationships across race, class and geography to strengthen social movement infrastructure.

Committee:

Korie Edwards (Advisor); Andrew Martin (Committee Member); Lopez Steve (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Sociology

Keywords:

social movements; politics; elites; organizing; race; mobilization; non-profit organizations; philanthropy; elections

Clemens, Julie LynnMaking Peace in Peace Studies: A Foucauldian Revisioning of a Contested Field
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2008, ED Policy and Leadership

Peace studies has produced an abundance of research and created numerous programs and courses. Despite these successes, the field is far from establishing itself as a valued part of the academic community. This project rests on the assertion that peace studies struggles for scholarly legitimacy and visibility within U.S. higher education. Based on this premise, it seeks to investigate the different kinds of beliefs about peace studies that have been produced, maintained, and reproduced. The aim is to understand the contemporary condition of peace studies and explore the possibilities and limitations of theorizing, researching, and teaching about peace in the U.S. academy.

A Foucauldian-informed poststructural analysis examines qualitative survey and interview data collected from 55 prominent U.S. scholars in the fields of international relations, peace studies, and peace science. First, a descriptive analysis of peace studies scholars’ perceptions identifies three precepts of the field along with a strategy, to “make the world a better, more humane, place.” Second, a comparative analysis of peace studies from scholars working within international relations and peace science shows that peace studies faces the predicament of being nearly invisible within international relations and on the other side of an epistemological and methodological divide from peace science. Finally, a discourse analysis describes the discursive structures and rules of knowledge production that govern the way that scholars think, speak, and put into practice items associated with peace studies.

The study concludes that peace studies suffers from a problem of coherence that strikes at its core objects of knowledge, subject positions, and knowledge production. Furthermore, the field desires to transform, transgress, and transcend the traditional policies of the U.S. academy. Thus, it battles historical and contemporary perceptions of (1) what qualifies as legitimate “scholarship” in terms of traditional disciplinary specialty, substantive content, agenda, and method, (2) what it means to be a “scholar” in U.S. higher education, and (3) what the study of “peace” should include in its parameters. Recognizing these challenges, peace studies scholars are urged to reconsider their relationship to the broader academic community through an examination (and possible reframing) of their multiple subject positions.

Committee:

Patti Lather, PhD (Committee Co-Chair); Peter Demerath, PhD (Committee Co-Chair); Dan Christie, PhD (Committee Member); Tatiana Suspitsyna, PhD (Committee Member); Alexander Wendt, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Education; Higher Education

Keywords:

qualitative research; grounded-surveys; semi-structured interviews; studying elites; Foucault; discourse analysis; subject positions; objects of knowledge; politics of normalization; peace studies; peace research; peace science; peace and conflict studies

Sperry, Benjamin O.Caught “Between Our Moral and Material Selves”: Mississippi’s Elite White “Moderates” and Their Role in Changing Race Relations, 1945-1956
Doctor of Philosophy, Case Western Reserve University, 2010, History
My dissertation is about the ambiguous process of historical change. I examine a group of conflicted individuals in a dynamic situation – early post-World War II Mississippi – as representative of a broader notion of how change occurs, or does not occur, in a democracy. Specifically, I consider the contribution of a small network of elite white “moderates” that took shape in the state of Mississippi in the years 1945-1956. The network I describe numbers 127 individuals, and among them were a handful of leaders who were particularly significant. Proceeding roughly on a chronological continuum, I explore several cases in which these white Mississippi elites were active. These situations include: the formation of a post-war agenda for the state (1945); the emergence of John C. Stennis as a political leader, replacing Theodore G. Bilbo in the U.S. Senate (1946-1947); the actions of a conservative “progressive” state legislature in Jackson in the face of the national States’ Rights “Dixiecrat” phenomenon (1948-1950); the fostering of industrialization in the state and the gradual reforms at the Mississippi State Penitentiary at Parchman (1951-1953); and the issue of academic freedom, especially at the University of Mississippi (Ole Miss), and an incident of community vigilantism in the Delta town of Tchula (1954-1956). Relying heavily on the papers of several “moderate” figures, such as journalist Hodding Carter and Ole Miss history Prof. James W. Silver, I make the argument that while clinging to essential aspects of continuity and race privilege, these non-reactionary whites were also effective in pushing for a degree of social, economic and political change in Mississippi.

Committee:

David Hammack, Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Alexander Lamis, Ph.D. (Committee Member); Renee Sentilles, Ph.D. (Committee Member); Rhonda Williams, Ph.D. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

American History

Keywords:

Race; Mississippi; post-World War II; whites; moderates; social change; elites

Carey, Kim M.Straddling the Color Line: Social and Political Power of African American Elites in Charleston, New Orleans, and Cleveland, 1880-1920
PHD, Kent State University, 2013, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of History
From 1880-1920 the United States struggled to incorporate former slaves into the citizenship of the nation. Constitutional amendments legislated freedom for African Americans, but custom dictated otherwise. White people equated power and wealth with whiteness. Conversely, blackness suggested poverty and lack of opportunity. Straddling the Color Line is a multi-city examination of influential and prominent African Americans who lived with one foot in each world, black and white, but who in reality belonged to neither. These influential men lived lives that mirrored Victorian white gentlemen. In many cases they enjoyed all the same privileges as their white counterparts. At other times they were forced into uncomfortable alliances with less affluent African Americans who looked to them for support, protection and guidance, but with whom they had no commonalities except perhaps the color of their skin. This dissertation argues two main points. One is that members of the black elite had far more social and political power than previously understood. Some members of the black elite did not depend on white patronage or paternalism to achieve success. Some influential white men developed symbiotic relationships across the color line with these elite African American men and they treated each other with mutual affection and respect. The second point is that the nadir in race relations occurred at different times in different cities. In the three cities studied, the nadir appeared first in Charleston, then New Orleans and finally in Cleveland. Although there were setbacks in progress toward equality, many blacks initially saw the setbacks as temporary regressions. Most members of the elite were unwilling to concede that racism was endemic before the onset of the Twentieth Century. In Cleveland, the appearance of significant racial oppression was not evident until after the World War I and resulted from the Great Migration. Immigrants from the Deep South migrated to the North seeking opportunity and freedom. They discovered that in recreating the communities of their homeland, they also created conditions that allowed racism to flourish.

Committee:

Elizabeth Smith-Pryor, PhD (Advisor); Leonne Hudson, PhD (Committee Member); Willie Harrell, Jr., PhD (Committee Member); Karen Sotiropolous, PhD (Committee Member); Carla Goar, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

African American Studies; African Americans; Black History; Black Studies; History

Keywords:

African American History; Black History; Cleveland Ohio; Charleston South Carolina; New Orleans Louisiana; African American Elites; African American Political Power

Brammer, Beau J.Una Revolucion Ni mas ni Menos: The Role of the Enlightenment in the Supreme Juntas in Quito, 1765-1822
Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2010, History

This thesis examines the role the European Enlightenment played in the political sphere during the late colonial era in the Audiencia of Quito. Until the eighteenth century, Creole elites controlled the local economic and governmental sectors. With the ascension of the Bourbon dynasty in 1700, however, these elites of Iberian descent began to lose their power as new European ideas, emerging from the Enlightenment, led to a process of consolidating and centralizing power into the hands of Peninsular Spanish officials. Known as the Bourbon Reforms, these measures led to Creole disillusionment, as they began losing power at the local level. Beginning in the 1770s and 1780s, however, Enlightenment ideas of “nationalism” and “rationality” arrived in the Andean capital, making their way to the disgruntled Creoles. As the situation deteriorated, elites began to incorporate these new concepts into their rhetoric, presenting a possible response to the Reforms. When Napoleon invaded Spain in 1808, the Creoles expelled the Spanish government in Quito, creating an autonomous movement, the Junta of 1809, using these Enlightenment principles as their justification. I argue, however, that while these ‘modern’ principles gave the Creoles an outlet for their grievances, it is their inability to find a common ground on how their government should interpret these new ideas which ultimately lead to the Junta’s failure.

This conclusion challenges previous historiography which contends that the political and economic turmoil in Quito were the only prominent factors leading to the Junta Era of 1809 to 1812 and when discussed, scholars view the Enlightenment as a catalyst for beneficial change in the region. This thesis contends that the Enlightenment principles adopted by local elites, while giving them the opportunity to revolt, also divided the Creole elite, ultimately ending the possibility of any successful autonomous movement. In the end, I contend that it is necessary for scholars to look at both the positive and negative ramifications of Enlightenment principles when studying the Latin American movements for independence.

Committee:

Kenneth Andrien (Advisor); Stephanie Smith (Committee Member); Alan Gallay (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Latin American History

Keywords:

Quito; Audiencia of Quito; Montufar; Junta; Creole Elites; Enlightenment in Spanish America