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Feldner, Melissa LAN EXAMINATION OF HOW GENDER STEREOTYPES AFFECT VOTERS’ PERCEPTIONS OF STATE SUPREME COURT CANDIDATES
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2006, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)

This study examines how gender stereotypes affect voters’ perceptions of judicial candidates for state Supreme Courts. Included are an overview of state court structure, the history and methods of judicial selection, and a discussion of court composition within the context of gender.

This study’s objective is to contribute to literature that fails to address how voters’ use of stereotypes and perceptions of the judiciary combine to affect female judicial candidates. A survey is employed to identify ideal qualities of judicial candidates and perceptions of female and male candidates.

The results illustrate that voters grant ideal judicial candidates with masculine characteristics, partisan stereotypes tend to take priority over gender stereotypes when evaluating candidates, and women and Democrats support court composition diversity more than other groups. The data does not support the conclusion that voters regard the genders as more competent in stereotypically gendered policy areas.

Committee:

Ann Gordon (Advisor)

Keywords:

gender stereotypes and elections; judicial elections and gender; women and judicial elections; gender and state supreme courts

Daigle, Delton T.Catching the Big Wave: Public Opinion Polls and Bandwagons in US and Canadian Elections
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2010, Political Science
For as long as public opinions have generally thought to be known there have been claims made that knowledge of where people stand can impact both the attitudes and behaviors of others. Previous research has had mixed results in identifying and measuring the effects of “bandwagons”. This research uses better data and derives tests from contemporary theories of public opinion to show that not only do bandwagons definitively exist, but also that they exist most often among the groups of people we would expect to be influenced by ambient information: those adequately prepared to receive a message but not so sophisticated as to not be influenced by it. This research examines and finds bandwagon effects in four elections total in two different countries (Canada in 2004 and 2006 and the United States in 2000 and 2004) and as such, contributes to the larger scientific endeavor of generalization through comparison.

Committee:

Herbert Weisberg, PhD (Committee Chair); Janet Box-Steffensmeier, PhD (Committee Member); Paul Beck, PhD (Committee Member); Randall Ripley, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Public Opinion; polling; Canada; Canadian Elections; election campaigns; American elections; bandwagons;

Harpuder, Brian EricElectoral behavior in U.S. senate elections, a simultaneous choice model
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science
The turnout decision of citizens has traditionally been analyzed separately from the two-party vote decision of citizens. The presumption has been that citizens decide if they are going to vote, and then decide for which candidate to vote. In the present research, the two decisions are placed into a simultaneous choice framework, which presumes that the decisions of turnout and candidate choice are made jointly, implying that abstention is a vote for none-of-the-above. This research shows the effects of the simultaneous choice model with regard to understudied U.S. Senate elections using data gathered thru the Senate Election Studies from 1988-1992. The research shows that levels of turnout in Senate elections are not equally distributed across the various demographic sectors of society. Efforts by campaigns to target particular constituencies should result in a higher probability of citizens casting a vote for the candidate. With respect to evaluations of the economy and personal finances the research clearly shows support for the angry voter hypothesis. Citizens who are dissatisfied with the state of the national economy, angry voters, are more likely to turnout than those who are satisfied. Their dissatisfaction is expressed toward incumbents because they become more likely to vote for the challenging party. Personal financial evaluations are also shown to have a limited impact on electoral behavior. Contrary to some previous research, substantive policy preferences are shown to affect electoral behavior in Senate elections. The findings clearly suggest the campaigns that understand short-term forces can utilize them to produce mobilization. The research shows that use of self-reported media exposure variables can allow for a better understanding of electoral behavior. Citizens who are exposed to candidates via radio or magazines are more likely to vote for the candidate they had read or heard about. The greater their interest and exposure, the more likely it is that a citizen will vote. Overall, the research provides political scientists with an alternative understanding of how electoral decisions are made. Readers will develop an understanding of the factors that influence turnout and mobilization for specific candidates.

Committee:

Janet Box-Steffensmeier (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Turnout; Senate Elections; Voting Behavior; Electoral Behavior; Congressional Elections; Simultaneous choice; U.S. Senate

Monson, Joseph QuinPolling in congressional election campaigns
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2004, Political Science
Political polling is now an integral part of congressional election campaigns. Polling is widely considered an accurate measure of public opinion and thus serves to reduce the uncertainty associated with running for Congress. It does so by supplying strategic information that enables campaigns to operate more efficiently and effectively, targeting campaign messages to voters who are most likely to be receptive. Poll use by congressional campaigns varies considerably but is predicted by campaign characteristics such as the competitiveness of the race, the resources available to pay for the polling, and the amount the campaign is spending on advertising. More polling is also done by incumbents and open-seat candidates compared to challengers, by candidates with prior political experience in elected office, and by Democrats. Finally, mid-decade redistricting has a negative effect on polling while a close underlying partisan division is positively related to poll use. Polling is used by campaigns to help the candidate more effectively communicate with voters on issue. Candidates rarely use polls to take issue positions, and pollsters rarely make these kinds of recommendations. However, polling is commonly used to help campaigns to choose which issues positions to address and how best to do so. Candidate recruitment and emergence studies have given little attention to polling’s impact on how candidates and parties assess the probability of victory in a given district. Except for those who can afford to pay for it and existing office holders who are risk averse, most potential candidates do not routinely conduct exploratory polling. However, in the small number of very competitive U.S. House districts, the party campaign committees use polling extensively to help convince attractive candidates to enter open seat contests favorable to the party or especially to identify vulnerable incumbents of the opposite party and find out if a reasonable chance of victory exists.

Committee:

Paul Beck (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

polling; public opinion; elections; congressional elections; Congress; pollsters; campaigns

Smidt, Corwin DonaldThe Spinning Message: How News Media Coverage and Voter Persuasion Shape Campaign Agendas
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2008, Political Science

A prominent avenue of the political campaign's influence on voters is through the nature of its issue content. Political science research has shown that the issues discussed by the candidates and the news media are more likely to become voter priorities, have a greater influence on voting behavior, and also shape what issues candidates address after they are elected. As such, scholars now argue campaigns are less a debate over issues than a fight over what issues to debate. However, despite their prominent influence, theoretical attempts to explain how campaign agendas develop are few, and those that do exist lack firm empirical support.

I seek to clarify how campaign agendas develop by examining how the agendas of candidates, the news media, and voters interact during campaigns. I offer a new perspective of campaign agenda formation that focuses on two attributes of these interactions. First, I suggest that the news media's greater credibility and pervasiveness give them a greater ability to influence voter agendas. Additionally, I argue that news media issue coverage, combined with persuasive candidate rhetoric, can also shape voter evaluations on such issues, especially among swing voters.

I consequently argue that candidate needs to persuade voters are an under-emphasized component of campaign strategy and that an agenda-setting strategy also has costly consequences for candidate efforts at persuasion. Instead of agenda-setting, candidates form their agendas in response to the news media's issue attention in order to shape news coverage and prevent harmful persuasive environments. By making their case on those issues featured within news media coverage, candidates attempt to win over swing voters on such highly salient issues.

I test the theory in three parts of this dissertation. I provide the first known test of reciprocal agenda dynamics and show how the national news media drove candidates and the voters to focus on a select group of issues during the 2000 presidential campaign. I then demonstrate that Bush and Gore's rhetorical responses to the news media's agenda were influential in shaping voter opinions. Finally, I expand the analysis to Senate campaigns of 2000 and 2004 and demonstrate how candidates increasingly focus on issues as they gain coverage within the news media. Both of the theory's expectations are supported, as the news media show a prominent influence on candidate and voter agendas.

On the whole, this persuasion-based theory of campaign agenda formation provides a new and much needed perspective on how the goals and abilities of the news media and candidates interact to create the rhetorical dynamics we observe within political campaigns. The theory applies the known moderators of agenda setting and persuasion within the political behavior literature to derive a better understanding of the influence, incentives, and behavior of candidates and the news media.

Committee:

Paul A. Beck, PhD (Committee Chair); Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier, PhD (Committee Member); Kathleen M. McGraw, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

campaigns; news media; voting behavior; presidential elections; congressional elections

Cohen, Michael L.The Ebb and Flow of Regional Parties: Political Openings, Behavioral Expectations, and Regional Party Volatility
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2009, Political Science
In recent years regional parties have been hard to ignore. From the Lega Nord’s emergence in Italy, to regional parties’ role in coalition formation in Belgium, to their impact on policy in the United Kingdom, regional parties appear to play an increasingly important role in politics. Regional parties are parties that exclusively represent only a subset of geographic areas in a country. Previous research has primarily focused on structural factors (e.g., social cleavages, economic differences, and institutions) that produce and maintain viable regional parties. However if regional party success ebbs and flows while structural factors remain constant what else explains their success? While not to dismiss structural factors, parties, party strategies, and policies produce a dynamic effect that impacts regional parties. Voters operate in a world of incomplete information and uncertainty. How will their vote for a regional party affect public policy? Regional parties must have a competitive advantage over other parties in order to attract voters. They need a label and behavioral expectations that differentiate themselves from larger national parties. If voters are choosing between a small party and a larger party that is capable of winning elections, the smaller party is at a disadvantage. However, if the regional party is able to convince voters that its party platform, its ideology (i.e., its label), and its potential impact (i.e., behavioral expectations) are different and unique, it may be able to attract voters and remain viable. The impetus behind this unhappiness is when allocation of resources is net negative for a region and violates norms of equity. The core of the analysis centers on the Italian regional party, the Lega Nord. The Lega Nord was selected for study as it represents a paradox to current regional party theories. I, first, use extensive field research I conducted in Italy to trace the causal mechanisms and then test the hypotheses via statistical analysis of six electoral surveys which conducted between1985 and 2006. Finally, I assess the generalizability of the hypotheses through comparative case studies, specifically in Belgium, Canada and the United Kingdom.

Committee:

Marcus Kurtz (Committee Chair); Richard Gunther (Committee Member); Irfan Nooruddin (Committee Member); Craig Volden (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

regional parties; political parties ; voter perceptions ; elections; regionalism

Sutter, Ryan CSpatial Econometric Modeling of Presidential Voting Outcomes
Master of Arts, University of Toledo, 2005, Economics
We examine the spatial autoregressive relationship between county-level voting outcomes in the 2000 Presidential election and a host of candidate explanatory variables taken from the year 2000 census. These include: measures of past voting behavior, indicators of socioeconomic demographic status of the population, and economic variables that reflect recent economic conditions. Using a recently developed spatial econometric extension of least-squares regression-based Markov Chain Monte Carlo model composition methodology (often labelled MC3) by LeSage and Parent(2004), we present evidence on which explanatory variables are important in explaining voting outcomes. The LeSage and Parent (2004) methodology deals with cases where the number of possible models based on different combinations of candidate explanatory variables is large enough that calculation of posterior probabilities for all models is difficult or infeasible. In addition, we produce estimates using a spatial autoregressive seemingly unrelated regression methodology developed in LeSage and Pace (2005), that takes into account cross-equation error covariance between the Bush and Gore equations in the model.

Committee:

James LeSage (Advisor)

Keywords:

spatial econometrics; presidential elections; seemingly unrelated regressions; markov chain monte carlo

Mascho, Bradley StevenOur Young Elected Officials
Master of Arts, Miami University, 2003, Political Science
In the year 2000, seventy-nine percent of Americans were younger than the average member of Congress. For decades the average member of Congress has been above the age of fifty, yet we continue to send rare young members to represent our districts. Across America and spanning our history, young people hold positions of influence. This work is the culmination of extensive interviews and questionnaires with twenty notable political figures elected to office at politically “young” ages. Included in this work are comments from three State Representatives, one Governor, thirteen members of the United States House of Representatives, and three United States Senators. After more than three hours of interviews and eleven questionnaires, the influence of youth in politics will be addressed here. Their comments point not to a revolution of youthful involvement but rather a sustained influence on American politics. In the year 2000, seventy-nine percent of Americans were younger than the average member of Congress. For decades the average member of Congress has been above the age of fifty, yet we continue to send rare young members to represent our districts. Across America and spanning our history, young people hold positions of influence. This work is the culmination of extensive interviews and questionnaires with twenty notable political figures elected to office at politically “young” ages. Included in this work are comments from three State Representatives, one Governor, thirteen members of the United States House of Representatives, and three United States Senators. After more than three hours of interviews and eleven questionnaires, the influence of youth in politics will be addressed here. Their comments point not to a revolution of youthful involvement but rather a sustained influence on American politics.

Committee:

Ryan Barilleaux (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Youth; Politics; Congress; Young Officials; Elections

Hines, Robert LeeFactors associated with rural elected officials' willingness to seek re-election /
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1985, Graduate School

Committee:

Not Provided (Other)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Local elections

Shen, FeiAn economic theory of political communication effects: How the economy conditions political learning
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2009, Communication
Politics and the economy are inextricably linked. This study argues that the economy has been an under-developed contextual variable capable of coordinating the process and consequences of political communication. An economic theory of political communication effects is proposed to capture the dynamic ecology of citizens’ political involvement. In particular, economic conditions are theorized to impact voters’ news media use and political learning through a series of mechanisms.The study analyzed fifty years of ANES (American National Election Studies) data through using multilevel modeling techniques. Results show that a) both the “bad news-prone” media and economically-rational voters were reactive to serious economic declines; b) based on subjective value judgments, political information from the news media was perceived to carry different levels of gratifications and utilities under different economic conditions; and c) voters with different levels of learning motivation exhibited varying degrees of learning effects through seeking and absorbing campaign information from the news media. The contribution of this study lies in its focus on one societal level variable, the economy to examine political communication effects. Given that informed participation strikes at the very heart of representative democracy, it is important to understand the underlying processes and mechanisms of political learning from both micro and macro perspectives. The current study provides solid evidence to support the arguments from existing literature on the role of motivation, media use, and information environment in learning about politics. In addition, a causal flow is established from the presence of an economic crisis, to learning motivation, to news exposure, and finally to knowledge acquisition. It is maintained that the study of political communication can benefit from considering macro economic variables, which can bring more explanatory power to models of political communication effects, test the degree of economic rationality of the electorate in response to variegated social settings, and build a political communication effects theory that addresses both micro- and macro- factors.

Committee:

William Eveland, Jr. (Advisor); Andrew Hayes (Committee Member); Gerald Kosicki (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Behaviorial Sciences; Communication; Mass Media; Political Science

Keywords:

media effect; political communication; the economy; rational choice theory; political learning; US elections

Tomlinson, Andrew RRationality and Information in Strategic Voting
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2001, Political Science

In recent years, third parties and independent candidacies have become an important part of the American political system. Yet few of these parties or candidates have been able to win office. Strategic voting by supporters of third party and independent candidates often siphons off potential votes for those candidates, and leads to their loss. Much of the work that has been done on strategic voting leaves out some crucial elements of the voting process.

In this dissertation I fill some of the gaps in the extant literature. Using data from the 1998 Gubernatorial election in Minnesota and the 1994 U.S. Senate election in Virginia, I show how the amount of strategic voting was drastically different in the two elections. I then use the Virginia data to model the vote choice of supporters of the third-place candidate with the correct, theoretically-based model. Next, I content analyze newspaper coverage of the two elections, in order to examine the role of the media in shaping the decision to vote strategically or sincerely. I find that there was more coverage of candidate negativity and more coverage of the horserace aspect of the campaign in Virginia than in Minnesota. That type of information in the political environment would be likely to activate strategic concerns in the electorate. There was more issue-based coverage in Minnesota, which might encourage more sincere voting.

Finally, I demonstrated that strategic factors dominated more traditional vote determinants among Coleman supporters in the Virginia election. Coleman's supporters were not particularly distinct from supporters of Robb or North, except that Independents, moderates, and those who did not follow the campaign were more likely to support Coleman than to support Robb or North. When the sample was restricted to Coleman supporters, the only new variable that significantly predicted strategic voting was opinion on abortion, where pro-choice voters were more likely to vote strategically than pro-life voters. These results suggest that analyses of multi-candidate elections that do not address strategic voting are missing some key factors that impact the decisions of third-party supporters.

Committee:

Herbert Weisberg (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Strategic Voting; Multicandidate Elections; Sophisticated Voting; Virginia; Minnesota

Dietz, Robert D.Spatial competition, conflict and cooperation
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2003, Economics

This dissertation contributes to the study of the economics of strategic interactions through the examination of four distinct but thematically related investigations of spatial competition, conflict and cooperation. A spatial accounting, whether conceptualized as local interactions, neighborhood effects, externalities, or other locally defined phenomena, increases the detail used to examine the decisions of economic agents.

The first essay examines the theoretical conditions in which spheres of influence form in games of spatial conflict. The term sphere of influence is defined for nation-state competition. Spheres of influence form in non-cooperative games of strategic complements if the contact between the rivals is repeated in both spatial and temporal contexts. The constraints on global cooperation are eased by the ability to form spheres, which allow the nation-states to avoid exhaustive conflict within individual spatial competitions.

Employing this sphere of influence model, the second essay develops a theory of cooperative tax strategies to reexamine the problem of local tax competition. Cooperative tax polices assume the form of either uniform or differentiated taxation on local capital. Contrary to previous findings, differentiated taxation of capital may generate higher community welfare, as well as increased resistance to defection from cooperative policy regimes. A spatial econometric examination of state-level local taxation is consistent with these theoretical propositions.

The third essay examines another form of spatial competition: defense spending by nation-states. Two theoretical models are developed in this paper: a two-period dyadic rivalry model and an alliance and hegemonic defense provision model. Spatial econometric testing of the model indicates evidence for U.S. hegemonic behavior, but an underlying rivalry in defense expenditure and armed forces for all other nation-states.

The final essay also employs the sphere of influence model to study the lack of competitive elections for the U.S. Congress. So-called sweetheart gerrymandering is demonstrated to be the result of bipartisan efforts to allocate voters by political preferences in order to reduce electoral competition within congressional districts. The adoption of these strategies increases the number of party loyalists, reduces bipartisan legislative coalitions, increases the risk associated with the legislative process, but does not change the expected legislative output of Congress.

Committee:

Donald Haurin (Advisor)

Keywords:

Regional Government Analysis; State and Local Government; Intergovernmental Relations; National Security and War; Elections; Conflict Resolution; Spatial Econometric Models

Taylor, Justin B.When do voters really have a choice? The effects of the electoral environment on the emergence of primary competition in the U.S. Congress
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2005, Political Science
Previous research has focused on candidate emergence in congressional elections, paying little attention to congressional primary outcomes and competition levels. This study examines the nature of congressional primary competition, and the forces that systematically influence the level of competition across districts and over time. Government responsiveness has been understood to be conditional on the level of effective political competition through elections. However, the largely dominant view is that the primaries do not provide an effective check on government officials. Stylized accounts and the limited scholarly studies generally argue there is very little competition in primaries and that incumbency advantage prevents competition except in an extremely limited number of open seat districts. I report results based on observations of all 870 congressional primaries 1972 through 2002 and all Senate primaries 1998 through 2002. In addition to measuring the number of candidates in each race, I also employ a novel measure of primary competition, the Standardized Divisiveness Score, which accounts for the divisiveness or dispersion of voters due to competition among elites. This comprehensive view of primary competition finds that there are systematically slightly higher levels of competition than expected. Perhaps more importantly, I consistently find substantively high variation in competition levels across time and districts. My theory builds a view of primary competition as the aggregate outcome of potential candidates’ decisions to run and thus expands the potential influences and explanations of primary competition. In addition, this aggregation model provides specific causal mechanisms by which the electoral environment affects competition. The model examines the effects of redistricting, primary laws, incumbency, district characteristics, size of candidate pool, and political intermediaries such as the party organizations on the level of primary competition. I find that increasingly sophisticated potential candidates take into account a far more complicated “immediate political environment” that drives their calculations. Forces, beyond incumbency, such as the pressure of a large candidate pool and the resources and information political intermediaries employ as tactics systematically affect whether or not multiple competitive candidates enter the race and provide voters with real choices.

Committee:

Paul Beck (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

Primaries; Congress; Elections; Candidate Emergence; Electoral Competition; Elite Political Behavior

Cole, Whitney DawnHow Does Campaign Spending Affect Election Outcomes? A Review and Comparative Analysis of Approaches to Endogeneity
Bachelor of Arts, Miami University, 2009, College of Arts and Sciences - Economics

The cost of winning an election has steadily been on the rise in recent decades. Because the amount of money being spent is so large, knowing its effect on election outcomes is incredibly valuable information. Much of the previous research done on this subject has shown that while challenger spending has a significant negative effect on the vote share of the incumbent, incumbent spending has a negligible, and sometimes even negative, effect on the incumbent’s vote share. Many researchers point to a statistical problem known as endogeneity to explain these counterintuitive results.

While many attempts have been made to correct the problem of endogeneity, each attempt uses a different sample, which makes for a difficult comparison of results. The purpose of this paper is to survey the literature, then choose three models that offer a convincing solution to the endogeneity question and to replicate these models on a single sample using House elections from 1998 to 2008.

My findings fall in line with much of the previous research which indicated that incumbent spending has no impact on an incumbent’s vote share, while challenger spending has a significant negative impact on an incumbent’s vote share. These findings raise many questions about why incumbents spend in campaigns, and even more importantly about why individuals contribute to incumbents’ campaigns.

Committee:

Dr. Deborah Fletcher, PhD (Advisor); Dr. James Brock, PhD (Committee Member); Dr. William Hart, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Economics; Political Science

Keywords:

campaign spending; elections; endogeneity

Eisenberg, Emma RU.S. Democratization Efforts in Haiti and Iraq: Implications for Future Policy Makers
BA, Oberlin College, 2017, Politics
This thesis examines U.S. democratization efforts in Haiti and Iraq: two instances where the United States used military intervention in its failed attempts to export democracy around the world. If the United States is to continue pursuing democratization, it is necessary for policy makers to modify their practices, as recent attempts have only resulted in failure. Thus, the study of how and why democratization attempts fail is critical in order to minimize the damage created by disastrous attempts at exporting democracy. So, in the Clinton and Bush administration's attempts to implement democracy in Haiti and Iraq, where did the democracy planners go wrong, and how did these mistakes further each country's failure to democratize successfully? Through a careful examination and analysis of the United States' democratization efforts in Haiti and Iraq, this thesis demonstrates that due to an inadequate understanding of universal characteristics of democracy, poor assessments of each country's historical, political, and social contexts as they relate to internal characteristics associated with democracy, and various obstacles to democracy, the Clinton and Bush administrations failed to successfully democratize Haiti and Iraq. Furthermore, these two cases suggest that the very practice of externally motivated and militarily enforced democratization cannot lead to a sustainable democracy.

Committee:

Eve Nan Sandberg (Advisor)

Subjects:

International Relations

Keywords:

democracy; democratization; Haiti; Iraq; Clinton; Bush; failed attempts; elections; development; democratic institutions

Tsai, Chia-hungParty voting in comparative perspective: the United States, Taiwan, and Japan
PhD, The Ohio State University, 2003, Political Science
The purpose of this dissertation is to study the effects of political institutions on party voting. My hypotheses are that multi-member districts with presidential systems like Taiwan will generate the lowest level of party voting and that single-member districts with parliamentary systems like Japan after 1994 will generate the highest level of party voting. Multi-member districts with parliamentary systems like Japan before 1994 and single-member districts with presidential systems like the U.S. will lie between the two extremes. I analyze survey data for these four cases to test these hypotheses. Chapter 3 contains the analysis of congressional voting behavior in the United States. Using 1990 and 1998 data, I generate multi-nomial logit estimates to compare the relative influence of partisanship and candidate evaluations. The result shows that the effects of candidate evaluations and partisanship are nearly even across the two elections, and that incumbency status is also critical to the voting act. Chapter 4 is devoted to the analysis of voting behavior in Taiwan. The elections in 1992 and 1995 are examined to display the candidate-based voting behavior under multi-member districts with presidential system. It is found, however, that party voting still prevailed in Taiwan at that time, although the influence of candidate evaluations increased during the period. Chapter 5 looks at the Japanese voting pattern in 1976 and 1996. According to the estimates generated by the multi-nomial logit model, the 1994 electoral reform indeed increased the relative influence of party labels. In other words, the small-sized district system contributes to party-based voting behavior. Chapter 6 pools the 1998 U.S. data, 1995 Taiwan data, 1976 and 1996 Japan data and estimates the effect of candidate evaluations and partisanship controlling for the election system and government structure variables. By rescoring the value of the system-level variables, the multi-nomial logit model presents the main effect of the two explanatory variables. Partisanship remains critical to Taiwanese voting behavior, and candidate-centered pattern has been declining in Japan. The results are compatible with the individual case studies in the preceding chapters. Thus, political institutions have an impact on individual voting behavior. The deviation of Taiwan calls attention to the factor of culture and other features of political systems. The purpose of this dissertation is to study the effects of political institutions on party voting. My hypotheses are that multi-member districts with presidential systems like Taiwan will generate the lowest level of party voting and that single-member districts with parliamentary systems like Japan after 1994 will generate the highest level of party voting. Multi-member districts with parliamentary systems like Japan before 1994 and single-member districts with presidential systems like the U.S. will lie between the two extremes. I analyze survey data for these four cases to test these hypotheses. Chapter 3 contains the analysis of congressional voting behavior in the United States. Using 1990 and 1998 data, I generate multi-nomial logit estimates to compare the relative influence of partisanship and candidate evaluations. The result shows that the effects of candidate evaluations and partisanship are nearly even across the two elections, and that incumbency status is also critical to the voting act. Chapter 4 is devoted to the analysis of voting behavior in Taiwan. The elections in 1992 and 1995 are examined to display the candidate-based voting behavior under multi-member districts with presidential system. It is found, however, that party voting still prevailed in Taiwan at that time, although the influence of candidate evaluations increased during the period. Chapter 5 looks at the Japanese voting pattern in 1976 and 1996. According to the estimates generated by the multi-nomial logit model, the 1994 electoral reform indeed increased the relative influence of party labels. In other words, the small-sized district system contributes to party-based voting behavior. Chapter 6 pools the 1998 U.S. data, 1995 Taiwan data, 1976 and 1996 Japan data and estimates the effect of candidate evaluations and partisanship controlling for the election system and government structure variables. By rescoring the value of the system-level variables, the multi-nomial logit model presents the main effect of the two explanatory variables. Partisanship remains critical to Taiwanese voting behavior, and candidate-centered pattern has been declining in Japan. The results are compatible with the individual case studies in the preceding chapters. Thus, political institutions have an impact on individual voting behavior. The deviation of Taiwan calls attention to the factor of culture and other features of political systems.

Committee:

Herbert Weisberg (Advisor)

Subjects:

Political Science, General

Keywords:

PARTY; partisanship; candidate evaluations; VOTING; elections; KMT; parties

Zunis, Anthony AlanA Game Theoretic Analysis and Simulation of Non-Incumbent Elections
Master of Science, University of Akron, 2014, Applied Mathematics
We develop a model that provides evidence to explain the changes in policy platform during a non-incumbent, two candidate election. We propose a modification to a well known model presented by Hummel [1], and predict the behavior of candidates in a selection of varying scenarios. We show voter support convergence for all models, and show evidence for convergence for bimodal voter ideology distributions through numerical simulations. We conclude that candidates adjust strategies in order to seek the highest local concentration of voters.

Committee:

Stefan Forcey, Dr. (Advisor); Francesco Renna, Dr. (Advisor); Gerald Young, Dr. (Committee Member); Curtis Clemons, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Applied Mathematics; Economic Theory; Economics; Mathematics; Political Science; Public Policy

Keywords:

game theory; political science; elections; electoral spatial models; median voter theorem

Bainbridge, William LeeAn analysis of the relationship between selected economic, social, demographic and election variables and voter behavior in Ohio city school district property tax elections /
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1979, Graduate School

Committee:

Not Provided (Other)

Subjects:

Education

Keywords:

School elections

Oyakawa, MichelleBuilding A Movement In The Non-Profit Industrial Complex
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2017, Sociology
Today, democracy in the United States is facing a major challenge: Wealthy elites have immense power to influence election outcomes and policy decisions, while the political participation of low-income people and racial minorities remains relatively low. In this context, non-profit social movement organizations are one of the key vehicles through which ordinary people can exercise influence in our political system and pressure elite decision-makers to take action on matters of concern to ordinary citizens. A crucial fact about social movement organizations is that they often receive significant financial support from elites through philanthropic foundations. However, there is no research that details exactly how non-profit social movement organizations gain resources from elites or that analyzes how relationships with elite donors impact grassroots organizations’ efforts to mobilize people to fight for racial and economic justice. My dissertation aims to fill that gap. It is an ethnographic case study of a multiracial statewide organization called the Ohio Organizing Collaborative (OOC) that coordinates progressive social movement organizations in Ohio. Member organizations work on a variety of issues, including ending mass incarceration, environmental justice, improving access to early childhood education, and raising the minimum wage. In 2016, the OOC registered over 155,000 people to vote in Ohio. I conducted 55 semi-structured interviews with staff members of OOC and allied organizations, including funders. I also observed 330 hours of OOC meetings and events and collected over 1300 documents pertaining to OOC’s history and fundraising. Using funds from foundations, the OOC has made progress toward their goal of building social movement infrastructure in Ohio. However, the OOC faces tension between the demands of its elite funding sources on one hand and its mission to organize communities on the other. This work illuminates the mechanisms through which elites impact efforts to organize poor people and people of color. Non-profit organizational fields, often referred to by social movement leaders as the non-profit industrial complex (NPIC), are governed by a technocratic political logic wherein elite experts determine strategy and decide what issues to prioritize. The Ohio Organizing Collaborative, on the other hand, is governed by a populist political logic, which holds that political leaders should prioritize the demands of ordinary people. I find that the NPIC limits nonprofit organization leaders’ ability to build trust and authentically engage ordinary citizens in the political process. The structure of the NPIC distorts accountability, making organizers beholden to elite funders instead of grassroots leaders. Issue-based funding and short-term grants make it difficult for organizers to focus on their primary mission, which involves recruiting and mentoring community members and building relationships across race, class and geography to strengthen social movement infrastructure.

Committee:

Korie Edwards (Advisor); Andrew Martin (Committee Member); Lopez Steve (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Sociology

Keywords:

social movements; politics; elites; organizing; race; mobilization; non-profit organizations; philanthropy; elections

Weir, Laura C.From Diwan to Palace: Jordanian Tribal Politics and Elections
Doctor of Philosophy, Case Western Reserve University, 2013, Political Science
Despite the vast research by political science scholars on the persistence of authoritarian regimes in the Middle East, little is known about why citizens have not pushed for more democratic reforms. The recent Arab Spring has focused our attention on the few countries that have experienced revolt against their authoritarian leaders. Many of those transitions to democracy are still quite contested or in danger of failing. A similar scenario occurred in 1989 in Jordan when King Hussein allowed credibly free and fair elections. These elections should have led to more liberalizing reform and possible a true constitutional monarchy or democracy. Counterintuitively, they did not. This study looks at the reasons why an authoritarian state such as Jordan has remained intact. In large part, Jordan has remained a very conservative authoritarian state because of tribal politics. Tribal politics have erased the distinct boundaries between what is the state and what is private. Tribal politics in Jordan helps explain how the state is not a discrete monolith that is controlled exclusively by an authoritarian leader. Rather, over time, the state has evolved unevenly and in reaction to tribal groups who were looking to empower or enrich themselves. Different powerful tribes have captured various agencies of the state and rule them almost as part of their personal power. Previous research focuses on regime manipulations of the rules. This study offers a different perspective and set of causal factors for the explanation. While acknowledging regime manipulation exists, this case study suggests the evidence shows tribes are self-interested actors who use their own tribal sets of rules and sanctions to capture seats in the parliament. Examination of the succeeding elections illuminates how tribes are able to handle new regime rules and adapt to the new political opportunities in order to gain further power within the state.

Committee:

Pete Moore, PhD (Committee Chair); Vincent McHale, PhD (Committee Member); Kelly McMann, PhD (Committee Member); Neda Zawahri, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Political Science

Keywords:

Jordan; tribal politics; elections

Nambiema, Ibrahim Mahama'Counting Votes and Bodies,'Election-Related Conflicts in Africa: A Comparative Study of Ghana and Kenya
Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2012, International and Comparative Politics
Since joining the ‘third wave' of democracy in the 1990s, African countries have focused on elections. Some leaders conduct elections to legitimize their authoritarian rule. Many of Africa's transitional democracies are associated with flawed elections and violent conflicts. The literature on electoral conflict places little emphasis on election governance. It is my assumption that the high rate of non-credible elections in Africa can be associated with election management that has exacerbated societal cleavages. Is an effective and independent election management body a necessary prerequisite for election results to be credible? Are credible elections correlated with lower levels of conflicts? Kenya and Ghana, with their parallel experience with electoral conflicts, are compared to determine if the level of effectiveness of an electoral commission is strongly correlated with the conduct of credible elections and consequently a reduced propensity for election-related conflicts.

Committee:

December Green, PhD (Committee Chair); Laura Luhrmann, PhD (Committee Member); Liam Anderson, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Peace Studies; Political Science

Keywords:

election-related violence; elections; election management bodies; conflict; democracy; Sub-Saharan Africa.

Smith, Shay E.Limitations on the Media and its Effects on the Political Process
MLS, Kent State University, 2012, College of Arts and Sciences / Liberal Studies Program

Today's media and political climate demonstrates that the media and politics are closely intertwined. Because of the effects one has on the other, it is imperative that citizens stay informed about how legal safeguards alter the current and future status of these two institutions.

This Essay reviews the past and current state of the media and its relationship to the political process. It addresses political, communication and media issues like uses and gratifications theory, the utilization of the Internet in presidential elections, legal safeguards and limitations placed on the media, net neutrality and other Internet issues. It considers Supreme Court cases including CBS v. FCC, Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce, McConnell v. FEC, and Citizens United v. FEC.

The perspective of this paper reflects a belief that the media and politics are never independent of each another. The types of media communication that individuals utilize in an attempt to satisfy a number of different needs show their level of intentionality, selectivity, and utility. By looking at media consumption in this way, we can arrive at a better understanding of media usage. Today it is clear that of all the different media available to American citizens, the Internet has the greatest likelihood of satisfying the highest number of needs these citizens may have. As information consumers continue to utilize the Internet for their information-gathering needs, politicians will increase their Internet presence in an effort to reach targeted demographics.

The research contained in this Essay provides an understanding of how past and current legal developments have changed the way politicians interact with and contact their electorate. Many issues discussed in this Essay center around political and First Amendment issues, highlighting the fact that while it is paramount to maintain our First Amendment freedoms, it is also essential not to let politics enter into the decisions of the most Supreme Court of the land. The cases briefed in this Essay show the fine line that exists between maintaining free speech values and upholding the integrity of our elections.

Committee:

Timothy Smith, Dr. (Advisor); Paul Haridakis, Dr. (Committee Member); Richard Berrong, Dr. (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Communication; Journalism; Legal Studies

Keywords:

Media; Politics; Internet; Citizens United v. FEC; Campaigns; Campaign Finance Issues; Elections; Uses and Gratifications Theory

Reimers, Teresa MParties, Process and Nurani Hati: How the Indonesian Press Constructed the 2004 Elections
Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2006, International Studies - Communication and Development Studies

In 2004 Indonesia celebrated its sixth year as a democracy with the first direct election of the president. This thesis is a study of Kompas newspaper its framing of the presidential elections. The framing analysis is guided by Kerbel et al’s (2000) candidate, issue, process and audience frames. The research methods are content and textual analyses of the election coverage articles during each campaign period. This thesis surfaces four frames: political associations, predators and prey, organizational process, and constituent perspectives. Kompas framed candidate and issue discussion through political parties, coalitions and personal associations. Personality contests were framed in a predator-prey characterization that admires the prey candidate as a victim. The elections were not just framed as the contest, but also as the organizational process of KPU. Finally, Kompas parted from these elite frames to reflect the perspectives of constituents and the qualifications they set for voting nurani hati (with a pure heart).

Committee:

Jerry Miller (Advisor)

Keywords:

Indonesia media; Idonesia elections; Kompas newspapers; comparative political communication; framing; content analysis

Zake, Susan K.Obama, Interactivity and the Millennials: A Case Study
MA, Kent State University, 2011, College of Communication and Information / School of Journalism and Mass Communication
This case study examines the use of online interactivity by Barack Obama during his 2008 U.S. presidential campaign and its potential attractiveness to those under 30, often referred to as “Millennials.” By using features that allowed Millennials to have conversations, change or add to content, or share and receive information, Obama redefined the use of the Web for campaigning, setting a high bar for future campaigns and arguably reinvigorating a group of traditionally uninspired voters. A determination of the type of interactive features used by the campaign is undertaken, along with an analysis of their potential impact and the type of communication each exhibits.

Committee:

Timothy Smith, J.D. (Committee Chair); Barbara Hipsman, M.A. (Committee Member); Janet Leach, M.A. (Committee Member); Danielle Coombs, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Communication; Journalism; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Multimedia Communications; Political Science; Web Studies

Keywords:

Obama; presidential elections; election 2008; interactivity; online campaigns; Millennials; Generation Next; social media; political science; young voters;

Akcelik, YasinThree Essays on the Time-Series Analysis of Politics, Capital Flows and Macroeconomic Policymaking
Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2011, Economics

I investigate the inseparable ties between voters, political agents, economic policies and economic growth. To be specific, the relation between voters (principal) and politicians (agent) through campaign pledges, and political party characteristics and economic growth through government policies and foreign capital flows are the focus of this research. Party manifestos and policy outcomes are the main tools in analyzing commitment issues the electorate face in a world with imperfect information, understanding the reelection chances of politicians through retrospective voting, linking party identification with capital inflows, and addressing economic progress through policy choices.

After an overview on the literature between political economy and economic growth, first essay centers around the political party ideologies and foreign investor decisions. The premise is that pro-business party favors capital investment and conduct capital friendly policies, attracting forward-looking foreign investors just ahead of the elections if the party leads the polls. Similarly, pro-labor party favors labor-owners and conduct prohibitive capital taxing policies, deterring foreign investment in times where the pro-labor victory is eminent. The other side of the coin is that the higher the foreign debt through capital inflows, the less likely that the incumbent gets elected in the next election. I investigate the implications of this hypothesis on US political parties, Democrats and Republicans, with capital inflows from 1970 to 2009 and see how macropartisanship, or party identification, affects foreign investment. I find considerable impact on foreign direct investment, but a feeble effect on portfolio inflows in United States. The second implication of the model is tested through the quarterly changes in presidential approval rate in US responding to changes in foreign debt, after controlling for the consumer sentiment from 1973 to 2010. I find negative effects of higher foreign debt stock on the popularity of Republican administrations.

In the second essay, confident from the US data that party identification matters in capital flows, we set out to explore the political party characteristics that are influential in foreign investor decisions. Using party manifesto data from six developed economies, compiled by the Comparative Manifesto Project, and extreme bounds analysis technique, I test the 61 governing party characteristics (56 unique and 5 combination) on economic, political and social issues on changes in foreign direct investment flows, from 1970s to 2009. Party characteristics on military expenditures, administrative efficiency, controlling corruption, and social welfare spending are significant and robust to changes in the conditioning information set. I also look at the probability of electoral victory for right and left-wing parties in the context of changing foreign debt - higher debt increases the likelihood of left government formation, after controlling for past economic growth.

Final essay follows the well trodden path of principal-agent conflict in political context, focusing on the honesty of politicians by utilizing party manifestos and policy outcomes from 25 countries (24 OECD countries and Mexico) for the time period between 1970 and 2010. After categorizing governing political parties in terms of their stance on economic growth, I show the honesty of politicians in static and dynamic models using government expenditures, fixed capital investment, inflation, trade openness and exchange rate distortion as policy outcomes. For the static model, feasible generalized least squares, and for the dynamic model, Arellano-Bond and Blundell-Bond dynamic panel estimation technique with GMM moments are utilized. I show the fact, that the politicians are in general honest, is due to the retrospective nature of the electorate's voting behavior, by testing reelection probabilities of incumbents against the deviation of their policies from their campaign pledges. Finally, I relate economic policies to economic growth, after controlling for economic slowdowns and party characteristics, and find that governments affect country growth through the policies they conduct, which are, indeed, in parallel to their party platforms.

Committee:

Paul Evans, PhD (Committee Chair); Hajime Miyazaki, PhD (Committee Member); Ian Sheldon, PhD (Committee Member)

Subjects:

Economics; Political Science

Keywords:

foreign direct investment; capital flows; elections; macropartisanship; presidential approval rate; comparative manifesto project; campaign commitment

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