Master of Arts, University of Toledo, 2008, Sociology

This thesis is a critical examination of U.S. foreign intervention from 1948 to 2008. Using a comparative/historical analysis of seven cases – Iran, Guatemala, Indonesia, Chile, Nicaragua, Panama, and Iraq – this study finds patterns of U.S. state/state-sponsored terror and intervention. Using world-system theory and G. William Domhoff's class-domination theory of power, this study explains how and why the U.S. government, the U.S. military, the CIA, and U.S. corporations participate in economically motivated terrorist acts to support the capitalist mode of production, U.S. investments, and access to markets and natural resources. Finally, this study reveals patterns (in addition to the use of terror) that the U.S. government follows while intervening in the affairs of foreign nations.

Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2014, International and Comparative Politics

Indefinite detention is better defined as “detention without trial,” where the government has no plans for a prisoner's arraignment, release, or deportation. While this policy has been used by democratic countries in the past and present, it appears to violate a core democratic concept—that of due process of law. This study examines US, British, and French counterterrorism efforts against al-Qaeda, the Provisional Irish Republican Army, and the Armed Islamic Group, to determine which factors are most likely to lead to the employment of indefinite detention. Based on case study analysis, it appears that (1) extraterritoriality and sovereignty, (2) the nature of the arresting agency, (3) the capabilities of the domestic court system, and (4) the presence or absence of war are the most significant factors in this regard. These findings provide academic insight and policy guidance for democratic governments confronting terrorist threats.

Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2011, International and Comparative Politics

Democratic states are more susceptible to terrorist attacks and yet have the most responsibility to ensure their counterterrorism responses are in accordance with democratic principles. Respect for the rule of law and the freedoms of speech and press are just a few of the principles ingrained in democratic philosophy and likewise, by the very nature of a democracy, democratic states must be held accountable to their citizenries. These factors, however, can be a cause of dissention and can lead to a dangerous overreaction or a disproportionate response by democratic states in their counterterrorism policies, including leading to the very undemocratic response of restricting civil liberties. This thesis researches and analyzes the counterterrorism policies of Britain and Spain and applies the theory of Moral Panics to evaluate how Moral Panics has influenced their respective counterterrorism policies to account for the discrepancy found between the British and Spanish state responses to terrorism.

Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2021, International and Comparative Politics

This study qualitatively examines the impact of three socio-economic inequalities on state terrorism: (1) income inequality; (2) unequal collective labor rights; and (3) land inequality. It proposes a theory of class structure and state terrorism based on the Marxist theory of exploitation and domination and uses Marxist class analysis in the comparison of two case studies, Brazil (1985-1990) and the Philippines (1986-1992), to determine which of the three socio-economic inequalities is most likely to lead to class struggle that will prompt the state to respond with terrorism. Findings from this study indicate that issues concerning land inequality may be a main driver of state terrorism in these two cases.

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2020, Sociology

This dissertation consists of three distinct substantive papers that are designed to stand on their own as published articles, but which are also arranged in such a way as to form a coherent whole, with a logical progression from paper to paper. They are unified around the theme of terrorism, specifically its ideological aspects. The first substantive paper (comprising chapter 2) examines one of the most sophisticated criminological theories of terrorist put forward to date, and shows how although general strain theory of terrorism contributes a great deal to conversations surrounding the sources of violent extremism, it is nonetheless hampered by insufficient attention to the role that shared narratives play in constructing subjective strains. The second substantive paper (chapter 3) breaks new ground by putting forward a novel taxonomy of master frames that recur throughout terrorist discourse. Although these frames were derived from work on jihadist movements such as Al Qaeda and the self-proclaimed Islamic State, there is reason to believe that they can actually be applied to movements that engage in terrorism more broadly, and this promises to be a fruitful area for future research. Finally, the third substantive paper (chapter 4) shows what this kind of work would look like in practice by content coding Al Qaeda and ISIS propaganda to measure how frames get utilized in the context of real-world information warfare.

BA, Oberlin College, 2018, Anthropology

This thesis examines the production and circulation of discourses related to (counter)terrorism at a university-affiliated terrorism and security studies research center in eastern Massachusetts. Drawing on participant observation, documentary analysis, and interviews with faculty and students at the research center, I suggest that expert discourses of (counter)terrorism at the center traffic in an archetypal construction of the terrorist that I call the “depoliticized radical.” This construction locates the root of terrorism in individual morality and psychology, tending to abstract the terrorist from the political conditions in which they enact violence. I further propose that the depoliticized radical functions as a boundary object in Star and Griesemer's (1989) conception, serving the interests of both expert regimes that take the terrorist as a subject to be known and counterterror regimes that take the terrorist as a subject to be controlled and/or corrected. Through fine-grained case studies, I track the strategic deployment of the depoliticized radical by different actors at the center within distinctive professional contexts. My discussion of the practices by which actors at the center seek to consolidate their expertise within the contested fields of terrorism studies and security studies draws on and develops Gieryn's (1983) concept of “boundary-work” as a rhetorical and theatrical strategy for demarcating legitimate from illegitimate knowledges. I conclude by contemplating the political stakes of terrorism expertise as a project of knowledge production that seeks to establish the "terrorist" as an archetypal subject to be both known and controlled.

MA, Kent State University, 2016, College of Communication and Information / School of Media and Journalism

Online news forums allow members of the public to instantly and anonymously comment on stories, interact with other commenters, and help shape an ongoing public opinion narrative about issues and events. Thus far, however, the relationship between news stories and public reactions via news comments—specifically, the effect of news frames on follow-up comment frames—has received scant attention in the mass communication literature. Because terrorism is a polarizing issue, it provides an excellent topical context for a study focused on the relationship between well-articulated and concrete elite frames in news stories about terrorism and terrorist attacks and frames in online reader comments. A content analysis of New York Times online news stories about the November 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, France and the December 2015 terrorist attack in San Bernardino, California was conducted to determine how messages influence public opinion via framing of news forum comments. The results of this study indicated that individuals used the dominant and secondary news frames present in stories as both dominant and secondary frames in their comments, and anonymous and partially anonymous commenters were more likely to employ frames used in news stories than were identified commenters. However, many individuals employed frames in their comments that are not already recognized as common for terrorism, as well as “other” frames that either related to terrorism or went off-topic. Additionally, frames employed by anonymous and partially anonymous commenters had more overlap with news frames than frames employed by totally identified commenters.

MA, Kent State University, 2013, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of Justice Studies

While terrorism has become an international problem, it has long been an intense problem for Turkey. The main focus of Turkey has almost always been on fighting terrorism through conventional means of superior coercive power. However, some people responsible for preventing terrorism have begun to think that an understanding of the motives of terrorism and terrorist actions on an individual level is necessary. Therefore, this study delves into an explanation about the effect of belief in becoming a member of a terrorist organization and the impact of this belief on the level of violence exerted by the members of three terrorist organizations in Turkey. In order to clarify the point, this study employs a quantitative research approach by using official data gathered from interviews of terror-related suspects obtained by the Antiterror Department of the Turkish National Police. After appropriate statistical analyses were made, this research concludes that as the belief in the tenets of the terrorist organization increases, the likelihood of membership in the terrorist organization and the level of active involvement in terrorist activities also increase. Based on that insight, further strategies could be set on understanding the belief system of people who are prone to participate in terrorist organizations and political reforms in relevant regions.

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2011, Social Work

The purpose of this study was to explore the identity changes experienced by Arab Muslims residing in Columbus, Ohio, during the Spring of 2011 based on the Arab Muslims' experiences with terrorism-labeling and Arab Muslims' perceptions of terrorism-labeling factors. This study also intended to discover the predictive relationship between the characteristics of participants and changes in their identity. The study was guided by Labeling and Social Identity theories. These theories were also utilized in developing a tenable theoretical Terrorism-Labeling Influence model (TLI) that explained the complex of impact terrorism-labeling on well-being. Two hundred twenty three Arab Muslims were recruited through the largest three Islamic organizations in Columbus, Ohio. Non-probability data collection method (convenience sampling) was utilized. The participants responded to a questionnaire developed by the researcher. The instruments of this study included the Arab Muslims' Experiences with Terrorism-Labeling, Arab Muslims' Perceptions of Terrorism-Labeling, Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure, Brief Arab Religious Coping Scale, and a demographic questionnaire. Descriptive and correlation statistics were used to explore the associations between demographic variables and changes in Arab Muslims' ethnic and religious identities. Multiple regression analysis was conducted to answer the research questions. The findings of this study did not support the research hypotheses indicating that there was no correlation between the independent variables, Arab Muslims' experiences with terrorism-labeling (AMETL) and Arab Muslims' perceptions of terrorism-labeling (AMPTL) and Arab Muslims ethnic and religious identities. Limitations, implications, and directions for future research are discussed.

Master of Science (MS), Ohio University, 2004, Journalism (Communication)

This study examined print news media coverage of the USA PATRIOT Act before it was passed into law. Seventeen publications, including fourteen top-30-circulation newspapers and three news magazines were selected to represent American print news media. This three-part content analysis examined: 1. Sourcing: The use of sources in news stories through direct and indirect quotation. The incidence, opinion, direct quotation, and prominence of various sources were analyzed to compare the use of government and non-governmental sources in the coverage. 2. Framing: The aspects of the legislation that were highlighted by the coverage, and the aspects of the legislation that were overlooked or underplayed. The most frequently used frames of coverage were counterterrorism, government powers, civil liberties, privacy, and non-citizen issues. 3. Editorial treatment: The tone (supportive, critical/cautionary, or mixed/ambiguous) of the editorials was examined overall, and over time. The framing of the issue in editorial coverage was studied and contrasted with the overall framing trends in coverage.

PHD, Kent State University, 2007, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of Political Science

Terrorism is one of the biggest problems of our time with its effects that are no longer constrained within national borders. Although international cooperation is necessary against terrorism, it is not at desired levels due to many reasons. The dissertation offers a new perspective that may possibly make international cooperation possible through measuring opinions of people in charge of fighting terrorism in their countries. There is no universally accepted definition of terrorism, which seems to be the fundamental problem that inhibits international cooperation. Moreover, what is understood of the terrorism concept varies at different levels. The dissertation started examining the concept of terrorism from a philosophical perspective to explore the underlying reasons for lack of a common definition. The examination also revealed the remedies to cure the determined problems. As opposed to the common application of defining terrorism operationally, the dissertation's finding was that the concept should be defined declaratively. For that purpose the dissertation examined how the components (dimensions) of the concept of terrorism come together to “form” the concept. Philosophical structures were used at this level. Depending on the findings of the philosophical examination of the concept, extensive literature review and determining the typology of terrorism, the “statements” that would be used in the data-collection process were prepared. Those statements were offered law enforcement officers, politicians and judges/prosecutors, five from each group in Turkey and the United States. The data collected from a total of thirty participants were analyzed by using Q Methodology, and the results revealed the variations in the understanding of the concept of terrorism. The dissertation disclosed the fact that nationality is more important a factor in shaping understanding of terrorism than professions. It revealed that measuring opinions of people in charge of counter-terro (open full item for complete abstract)

Doctor of Philosophy, University of Akron, 2008, Urban Studies and Public Affairs

Articles and books have been written on the phenomenon of Islamist terrorism. Most of these writings focus on some specific aspect of terrorism or the terrorist perpetrators; terrorist methods, their ideology, education level, societal hardships, etc. Much less exists that examines the terrorist phenomenon as a complex system of interlocking factors and players each with its own separate influences, motivators/precipitators and interdependent relationships. The present study sought to address this gap by looking at terrorism not as a single phenomenon (i.e. the terrorists), but rather as a system composed of terrorist perpetrators, organizers, instigators, sponsors, local societies and observer/targets. It is suggested that terrorism is an interdependent system of variables and players and that a more complete understanding of the terrorist phenomenon can be gained by looking at it in a complex system manner. Data was gathered by 50 open-ended face to face interviews with researchers, policymakers and those with firsthand knowlege and experience in the societies and countries where Islamist extremism arises. The following research questions were addressed: 1)What are the elements of the larger system from which Islamist radicalism and terrorism emerge? 2)What are the characteristics of each of the elements of this system? 3)What trends are evolving within this system? 4)What are policy recommendations that would strengthen moderation and weaken extremism within the various elements within the system? Based on the results, policy recommendations were made and models were constructed of the larger system (political, cultural, religious, etc)within which Islamist extremism, radicalism and terrorism arise.

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2007, Graduate School

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2007, Graduate School

Master of Science in Criminal Justice, Youngstown State University, 2024, Department of Criminal Justice and Consumer Sciences

U.S. violence, including school shootings and synagogue bombings, is increasing. Perpetrators of violent events often radicalize from violent beliefs to actions. The theory of cognitive radicalization distinguishes between the radicalization to extremist opinions and radicalization built on actions. People who commit mass shootings and bombings are part of the 1% of people who fit at the apex levels of the two-pyramids model of cognitive radicalization. Observed events of firearm violence throughout the country in media, such as mass shootings, initially produced interest in this study. Analyses of the data revealed that firearm access is significant to violent opinion radicalization; many violent events are related to radical behavior, ideas, or beliefs. This study analyzes data from the Public Religion Research Institute Social Networks Survey. It investigates associations between firearm accessibility and adherence to violent acts after controlling for sociodemographic factors. The sample population includes 5461 online survey respondents. Frequency tables and binary logistic regression were used for analysis, aiming to provide insights into violence identification, awareness, and prevention. Variables not included in the current study that can be reviewed in the future involve political affiliation, religious belief, and cultural norms.

Master of Science in Criminal Justice, Youngstown State University, 2023, Department of Criminal Justice and Consumer Sciences

The Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism Act, more widely known as the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001, is a groundbreaking piece of legislation that was swiftly enacted in response to the terrorist attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on September 11, 2001. The USA PATRIOT Act of 2001 consists of ten different sections of text thoroughly detailing redesigned governmental functions, all of which generally aim to prevent, mitigate, and eliminate the threat that terrorism poses against the United States and its citizens. The second section, known as Title II: Enhanced Surveillance Procedures, expanded federal law enforcement's authority to conduct more thorough surveillance of terrorist activity. This thesis is guided by the following research question: How has the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001 impacted the way that federal law enforcement conducts the surveillance of terrorist activity in the United States? For this thesis, the methodology and design consists of an explanatory, single-case study which investigates and analyzes Title II of the USA PATRIOT Act of 2001 within the context of surveillance counterterrorism measures implemented by federal law enforcement in the United States. This thesis builds upon preexisting counterterrorism literature and is beneficial to future studies which attempt to thwart the perpetual fight against terrorism and strengthen national defense against foreign and domestic enemies.

Bachelor of Arts, Wittenberg University, 2023, History

As time moves forward, events from the past become blurred in memory. People remember, honor, and learn from history. On September 11, 2001, the United States lost 2,983 civilian lives in a terrorist attack by al Qaeda. Since 2001, the United States government has made many decisions aimed at protecting those on United States soil. To commemorate the lives lost and to prevent an act of terror in the future, historians evaluate how to remember and learn from the events that occurred on September 11. Learning from the past prepares people for the future. To educate future generations, middle and high school teachers must provide students with valuable lesson plans about September 11. In the middle school and high school classrooms around the country, the process and content used to teach the terrorist attacks of September 11 has evolved over the past twenty years, from relying mostly on personal accounts to include academic articles, textbooks, online resources, and other materials to help students understand how and why September 11 happened the way it did.

Bachelor of Arts, Walsh University, 2023, Honors

Film is a useful way for the entertainment industry to communicate with its audience. It can be utilized to bring awareness to many issues and share important messages with audiences around the world. As film continues to become more popular, it is essential that we understand how to interpret what we are seeing, so we can explore the relationship between film and society really is. Films released during a specific decade can express a lot about what was going on in society at the time. To gain a better understanding of this relationship this project will be making an argument that shows how American popular films from the early 2000s (2000-2010) relate to social issues that were relevant to Americans 15-30 years of age during this decade. Based on research that determined what Americans considered to be the significant events of the decade, this project focuses on how social issues like terrorism, racism, and the financial crisis were depicted in three of the decade's biggest box office hits: Spider-Man (2002), Cars (2006), and Avatar (2009). As we examine how film and society relate to each, we can begin to understand how codependent they truly are.

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2021, Political Science

What are the social origins of conflict? In a three article dissertation, I analyze how social relations can help explain the spread of suicide terrorism over social ties, historical and contemporary group grievances can explain the onset of transnational political violence, and show that state socialization can help explain the diffusion of political institutions and conflict among groups of states. Article 1: Previous research has attributed the motivations of suicide bombers to religious fervor, political engagement, and organizational strategic goals, among others. However, the processes underlying suicide bomber mobilization may also be related to primary and secondary socialization through family and peer network ties. To better understand the association between kin and peer ties and suicide bomber mobilization, I use a data set of 2,923 individual fighter-level observations of combatants for the Islamic State. These data include individual demographic data and if a combatant volunteered to be a suicide bomber. Through these data, I assess ideational, material, and the social origins of suicide bomber mobilization. I find that a one unit increase in kin or peer network ties is positively associated with a combatant's odds of volunteering to be a suicide bomber. Article 2: Researchers and policymakers have increasingly recognized foreign fighter mobilization as a national security threat to foreign states and domestic populations. Yet, scholars remain divided on the motivations of foreign combatants, arguing that fighters may be motivated by material incentives, grievances, or opportunity. The motivations of foreign fighters may be especially complex, as they are engaging in a conflict outside of their home country. In this article, I analyze how historical and present-day group exclusionary policies affect contemporary patterns of conflict. To do so, I leverage novel data consisting of 4,101 individual fighter data of Islamic State volunteers fighting (open full item for complete abstract)

PhD, University of Cincinnati, 2021, Arts and Sciences: Political Science

The Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR), or East Turkestan, located in northwest China, is geo-strategically and economically important to the Chinese state. It is also the centuries-old homeland of Turkic/Muslim Uyghurs and an area of ongoing conflict between them and successive Chinese rulers, from dynastic to nationalist to Communist, culminating in a now high-profile case of egregious violations of Uyghur human rights, including the incarceration of at least a million Uyghurs in so-called “re-education” camps, under China's Western Development Plan and justified by China's People's War Against Terrorism. This dissertation makes the case that China's expansion into and rule over the Uyghur homeland has always been, to lesser and greater degrees, by internal colonialism, in which the lands, culture, and way of life of a typically indigenous or minority people are expropriated and/or expunged by a majority-ruled state within its borders. China's contemporary economic development, which extends both its national economy through resource extraction in the XUAR and its global economic reach through its Belt and Road Initiative to serve as gateway to commerce with Central Asia and beyond, is, in part, being achieved through a violent phase of internal colonization of the Uyghurs. I argue that not only does the treatment of the Uyghurs constitute internal colonialism rather than merely ethnic discrimination. Furthermore, the internal colonialism that the Uyghurs experience under the Chinese state and Han-Chinese majority rule explains why the Uyghurs are not benefitting from, and are actually being undermined by, China's economic and security policies. By revealing how a globalizing China discursively constructs itself as a modernizing force and Uyghurs as a “backward” and inherently violent people, to justify its actions against them in the name of neoliberal development and anti-terrorism, I expose mechanisms of internal colonialism at work in contravention to Ch (open full item for complete abstract)