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  • 1. Bouche, Vanessa Identity and the Mechanisms of Political Engagement

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2011, Political Science

    There are several large bodies of political science literature that place either central or tangential importance on nonpolitical identities. Implicit in literatures on race, gender, and religion (hereafter “identity” literatures) is the notion that these identities have nontrivial political implications. Similarly, voting behavior scholars have long recognized that a myriad of demographic characteristics and primary and secondary group associations have a significant impact on partisanship, ideology, policy preferences, voting behavior, and political participation. Yet, despite the underpinnings of identity in each of these bodies of literature, I argue that there are several unsettled issues within and between these literatures that can be resolved only through a deductive theory of why and how identity operates to inform political behavior. Some of these issues include heterogeneity within demographic groups leading to differential political behaviors, a disproportionate emphasis on understanding the roots of party identification that has hamstrung the broader study of identity and political engagement, and the evolution of these bodies of literature in relative isolation from one another. In short, the lack of a comprehensive theoretical framework on identity and political engagement has left many theoretical and empirical questions unanswered and under-explored. My dissertation confronts these matters by developing the Identity Theory of Political Engagement (ITPE), which is rooted in three identity propositions that I derived from extant theories in sociology and social psychology. In short, they state that individuals have a salient identity that is hierarchically superior to all other identities, that this salient identity has a subjective meaning that is either group-based, personal, both, or neither, and that the salient identity and its subjective meaning serve as a schema that guides behavior. Borne out of these identity propositions, the ITPE develops a (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Kathleen McGraw Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Janet Box-Steffensmeier Ph.D. (Committee Member); Thomas Nelson Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Political Science

  • 2. Weber, Scout The Media's Treatment of Women Political Candidates

    Master of Arts, Case Western Reserve University, 2025, Political Science

    Women are underrepresented in U.S. politics. This study helps to better understand the media's relationship with gendered politics and the barriers preventing women from being elected to office in the U.S. My research question is, “To what extent are women and men treated differently by news media in political campaigns?” To answer my research question, I analyze the 13 U.S. Senate races from 2022 in which a man and a woman ran against each other and compare the news media associated with these campaigns. This research serves to help women running in political campaigns better understand how they might be perceived. Overall, the findings in this study are promising for women looking to run for political office. This will help to knock down the media barrier that deters women from wanting to enter politics.
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    Committee: Karen Beckwith (Committee Chair); Girma Parris (Committee Member); Pete Moore (Committee Member) Subjects: Gender; Gender Studies; Political Science

  • 3. Thwaites-Brevik, Judinya The Development of Political Ideology in Generation Z and Why Higher Education Is Not to Blame for Their Liberal Proclivity

    Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2024, Sociology

    This thesis searches to find what the most influential factors on the development of political morals and motivations are for Generation Z students at Ohio University. In 2024, there are over forty states that have legislation in the process of becoming law, or already signed into law, that aim to restrict Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion initiatives or limit academic freedoms in some way. America is sorely lacking the research and literature on what is shaping the political mindsets of today's youths; literature that is essential in protecting academic freedom. This research study utilizes a survey and quantitative analysis to discover if students at Ohio University believe that going to college is making this generation more liberal or if outside factors such as climate change and social media are more influential than traditional education. The findings of this study indicate that study participants do not believe that traditional education is the most influential factor in the development of their political ideology. They instead look to current events, social media, and friends to shape their ideals. Further, this study proves that students at Ohio University value diversity in thought and the opportunity to have complex meaningful discussions within the classroom and therefore they are not supportive of academically limiting legislation such as Ohio's Senate Bill 83.
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    Committee: Dr. Paula Miller (Advisor) Subjects: Political Science; Sociology

  • 4. Miller, Jakob All of the People, All of the Time: An Analysis of Public Reaction to the Use of Deception by Political Elites

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2017, Political Science

    Despite the public's uniformly dismal assessment of politicians' honesty, they react by punishing some offences and seemingly ignoring others. I use data from multiple survey experiments as well as an examination of electoral polling data to show that public reaction to accusations of deception against politicians is guided by the principle of expectancy violations. I find that when deception is expected, it does not draw cognitive focus from members of the public, thereby causing the public to punish only lies they find unusual. In this way, a reputation as a liar may produce a sort of inoculation effect: that is, the fact that a politician is often accused of lying may contribute to public tolerance of them continuing to do so.
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    Committee: Thomas Nelson Dr. (Committee Chair); Michael Neblo Dr. (Committee Member); Nathaniel Swigger Dr. (Committee Member) Subjects: Political Science

  • 5. Laird, Chryl Black Like Me: The Malleability of African American Political Racial Group Identification

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2014, Political Science

    Prior research in political behavior illustrates that individuals rely upon group identities in political decision-making. People who are highly identified with a particular group are likely to make choices in line with that group's interest. Despite advancements in the literature, we still know considerably little about how identification with a certain group transforms into a salient political identification. Additionally, the existing literature does not provide or explain the mechanism that facilitates this transition? My argument is that political context significantly shapes not only the salience of the political attachment, but also the strength of that attachment. I use experimental methods to establish the malleability of political attachment to a group. In particular, I focus on Black Americans as the main test case due to the strong empirical evidence that demonstrates that their Black political attachment with the racial group, or linked fate, is fundamental to explaining political decisions and behavior. In my first study (Chapter 2), I test the contextual effects of racialized political discourse by varying explicit racial messages about which segments of the Black community are defined as a part of the broader “Black” interest. I find that Blacks that are not chronically included or excluded in political discourse—moveable Blacks—show significant increases in their linked fate when their interests are being framed as the major interest for the group. In the second study (Chapter 3), I argue that Blacks rely upon their political attachment with the racial group when they are exposed to a political context in which there is a conflict between their simple self-interest and the group-interest as a means to manage the cognitive dissonance. I conduct an experiment in which personal incentives are only received by opting out of the expected group norm of behavior. I find that Blacks respond with increases in their expressions of linked fate. (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Ismail White (Committee Co-Chair); Corrine McConnaughy (Committee Co-Chair); Thomas Nelson (Committee Member) Subjects: African American Studies; African Americans; Political Science

  • 6. Zima, Amanda Young Voters and the Power of Political Internet Culture: An Exploration of Political Websites and Political Engagement

    Master of Applied Communication Theory and Methodology, Cleveland State University, 2009, College of Liberal Arts and Social Sciences

    This thesis examines how far the use of online political information like political news websites, social networking sites, and online political humor websites relate to young adults‘ intention to vote, political knowledge, political efficacy, and having political discussions with parents and friends. To better understand these relationships the O-S-O-R model (e.g., Cho, Shah, Mcleod, McLeod, Scholl, Gotlieb, 2009; McLeod, Kosicki, and McLeod, 1994) will be used as the theoretical framework. The survey data for this study was collected during the exciting and noteworthy 2008 Presidential Primary elections. Young adults between the ages of 18 and 29 years of age were asked questions related to their attention to political news information and the 2008 Primary Election. Measures include traditional media use, online political information, political discussions with parents and friends, political efficacy, political participation, political knowledge and political interest. Results show that, social networking sites (SNS) did not prove to be an important means for political information for young adults, during the 2008 Ohio Presidential Primary Election, despite the overwhelming attention they received. Second, television news remains a significant predictor of political efficacy, likelihood to vote and having political discussions with parents and friends. Third, political interest continues to be a driving force in young adults' political engagement and interpersonal political communication. Additionally, participants between the ages of 18 and 24 years of age show frequent use of SNS (social networking sites) for political and campaign information more than those participants 25 to 29 years of age. Also, those 25 to 29 years of age are more likely to use news like websites for information more than “younger” young adults. Finally, results from this study support the O-S-O-R model in understanding young adults' intention to vote, political discussions with parents a (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Edward Horowitz PhD (Committee Chair); Cheryl Bracken PhD (Committee Member); Eileen Berlin Ray PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication

  • 7. Odell-Scott, Megan CONTEXTUALIZING THE MODERN GENDER GAP: HOW FEAR AND ANGER MEDIATE GENDER AND POLITICAL ATTITUDES AND BEHAVIORS IN A NEW AND GROWING PHENOMENON

    PHD, Kent State University, 2024, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of Political Science

    The gender gap in American politics, where women increasingly identify as Democrats and vote more than men, has been researched for the last several decades. While a variety of reasons have been put forth, this dissertation suggests a new and additional understanding for why the gender gap persists by examining the way fear and anger mediate the relationship between gender and party affect and voter turnout. Using the ANES 1980-2016 Time Series Dataset and ANES 2020 Dataset, this dissertation finds gender has an indirect effect on party affect and voting behavior through fear and anger, and this effect is a new and growing phenomenon over the last ten years. First appearing in 2012, men and women have different levels of fear and anger, which in turn impact how they feel about the Democratic and Republican parties, as well as voter turnout. Additionally, there is a consistent pattern about the direction of the indirect effect of gender. When afraid or angry, women like the Democratic Party more and the Republican Party less. Furthermore, women are more likely to turnout to vote when fear and anger are directed towards Republican Presidential candidates and less likely to vote if they are fearful and angry at the Democratic Presidential candidates. This article provides new insight to how fear and anger are impacting political attitudes and behaviors in increasingly gendered ways.
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    Committee: Ryan Claassen (Committee Chair) Subjects: Political Science; Womens Studies

  • 8. Ochsenwald, William. Nationalist-socialist parties of Greater Syria, 1940-1963 /

    Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 1966, Graduate School

    Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects:

  • 9. White, Kimberly The effects of religion on black and white political decision-making /

    Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2006, Graduate School

    Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects:

  • 10. Teague, Greyson Pioneers in the Halls of Power: African American in Congress and Civil Rights, 1928-1973

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2022, History

    This dissertation examines the careers of African American members of Congress from the election of Oscar DePriest, the first African American elected in the 20th Century in 1928, through the early years of the Congressional Black Caucus in 1973. It examines the interactions with and contributions of Black members of Congress to the broader Civil Rights and Black Power movements during this period and their relationship with electoral politics. It shows how Black members both played fundamental roles in passing major pieces of Civil Rights legislation during this period and how without their work and input these laws would have been weaker. Simultaneously, it shows how the demands and realities of electoral politics constrained the scope of Black members' legislative efforts, but also how these members actively took steps to advance partisan political goals at the expense of activists because they believed that their work was the best and sometimes only legitimate form of Black activism. Building upon scholarship in both history and Political Science, it contributes to our understanding of the scope of Black political power in the United States prior to the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the impact it had. Simultaneously, it compliments the literature on the Civil Rights and Black Power eras that focus on grassroots movements as the main agents of change by showing how the connections between many Black activists and Black Congressmen helped passed landmark legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but also how Black members came to distance themselves from those activists as they failed to monopolize Black political action around themselves to the detriment of both their own political agenda and that of activists.
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    Committee: David Stebenne (Advisor); Bart Elmore (Committee Member); Hasan Jeffries (Committee Member) Subjects: African American Studies; African Americans; American History; History; Political Science

  • 11. Clarke, Erik The effect of partisan competition on affective polarization, tolerance of election cheating, & political engagement

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2022, Political Science

    Elections, and the winner-take-all competition between partisan group it represents, is often captured by common metaphors about politics being similar to a sports competition. In a three article dissertation, I examine how a focus on closeness of political partisan competition affects people's people degree of affective polarization, their tolerance of election cheating, and how it does not affect political engagement. Article 1: In recent political history, most elections have become increasingly non-competitive. Yet even though most elections are non-competitive, the Americans have become increasingly polarized and have even grown to hate or loath their opposing partisan group. If there is so little struggle over partisan control of the U.S. government, then why are Americans so entrenched against their partisan out-group? Using a survey of Americans' perceptions of election competitiveness, I explore what drives people's perceptions of competition and how it influences attitudes. I find people are biased towards perceiving elections as competitive and partisans are bias in vote-share perceptions. Greater perceptions of national partisan competition, but not other levels of office, is a predictor of higher levels of affective polarization. Real levels of partisan competition also affect people's level of affective polarization but in more nuanced ways. Given these findings, I discuss insight on effective methods for reducing partisan competition and thus affective polarization. Article 2: American government supports that highly competitive practices like elections are the best way to represent the will of voters. However, in an era of high partisan animus, it is worth examining the negative effects that this focus has on people's attitudes. Using an original survey experiment, I investigate the effects of salient partisan competition on people's tolerance of election cheating. I find that greater salience of partisan competition increases participants' tol (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Thomas Nelson (Committee Chair); Gregory Calderia (Committee Member); Thomas Wood (Committee Member); Thomas Nelson (Advisor) Subjects: Behavioral Sciences; Political Science; Psychology

  • 12. Cohen, Adam Debate Watch Parties in Bars and Online Platforms: Audiences, Political Culture, and Setting during the 2020 United States Presidential Election

    Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2022, American Culture Studies

    The purpose of this dissertation is threefold. First, to investigate settings where audiences participated in the 2020 U.S. presidential election debates by organizing or attending debate watch parties. Second, to explore why these parties became meaningful for audiences. Third, to explore how the setting of these parties organized the sense-making for audiences of the debates. While no prior research on debate watch parties currently exists, they have become popular over the last five U.S. presidential elections and are significant in that they involve facets of political communication and political engagement not typically paired in American political culture: political consumerism, activism, sports spectatorship, and political cynicism. An ethnographic narrative excavation of debate watch parties—compiled from participant observations collected from my own field notes, open-ended surveys, and postmodern interviews—reveals six roles that audiences performed as they participated in these events: Marketeers, Public Seekers, Activists, Hosts, Antagonists, and Reluctant Partiers. I investigate how the setting organized these roles, comparing parties held in physically built bars and in online, virtual platforms, finding that both settings allowed for the construction of participatory civic identities amongst audiences. I evaluate how public interactions at debate watch parties in virtual environments mimicked the public interactions at parties hosted in bars, and particularly how political brand cultures crept into online environments. This leads to a discussion of how these audiences demonstrated the concept of creative narrative appropriation, particularly in the blending of electoral spectatorship with sports spectatorship. This underscores the stress and unease amongst audiences towards electoral politics, and how debate watch parties provided attendees and organizers with a safe social setting in which to publicly cope with these concerns.
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    Committee: Joshua Atkinson Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Hyeyoung Bang Ph.D. (Other); Cynthia Baron Ph.D. (Committee Member); David Jackson Ph.D. (Committee Member); Clayton Rosati Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: American Studies

  • 13. Thapar, Aditi To Believe or Not to Believe? The Influence of Political Communication on the Beliefs of Climate Change Skeptics in the United States

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2022, Public Policy and Management

    Climate change, also referred to as global warming, is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century. Despite considerable evidence that climate change is occurring and has severe consequences, many Americans remain skeptical and are impeding efforts to address the problem. The purpose of this dissertation is to build an understanding of the determinants of climate change perceptions among climate skeptics. Specifically, this research explores the extent to which political communication affects climate skeptics' perceptions of the phenomenon. In total, three separate analyses were conducted using a national sample of climate skeptics (N = 4,001). The first analysis provides a profile of the average climate skeptic. Using descriptive data and responses from an open-ended question, the study provides a bird's-eye view of the factors that might contribute to individual perceptions of climate change. The findings confirm those of existing research; particularly that climate skepticism is more prevalent among Republicans, older populations, low-income individuals, and those who identify as evangelical. Individuals report being skeptical of climate change because they believe that the narrative around climate change only advances the interests of elites. Individuals also cite factors such as media coverage, awareness of historical data, first-hand experiences with local weather, knowledge of the phenomenon (or lack thereof), and belief in a higher power as reasons for their climate skepticism. The second analysis employs a randomized survey experiment to examine whether framing climate messages as optimistic or fatalistic (i.e., the phenomenon is unstoppable by human action) affects the perceptions of climate skeptics (N = 827). The results show that the framing of an issue does not influence climate skeptics' beliefs that (1) climate change is occurring or (2) that the phenomenon poses a risk of personal harm. Partisanship, however, does appear to moderate th (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Stéphane Lavertu (Advisor); Christopher Rea (Committee Member); Vladimir Kogan (Committee Member) Subjects: Behaviorial Sciences; Climate Change; Environmental Education; Environmental Science; Environmental Studies; Experimental Psychology; Political Science; Public Administration; Public Policy; Social Psychology; Sustainability

  • 14. Long, Jacob Time Dynamics and Stability of Political Identity and Political Communication

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2020, Communication

    Several of the most important constructs in political communication research appear to be quite stable over time: media use, political discussion, and partisanship. If these constructs change only very rarely, it would cast doubt on theories presuming that they affect one another. On the other hand, it may be the case that they are only conditionally stable, such that if some factor or factors were altered, change in these constructs would be expected. This project explores the possibility that communication can both promote and undermine consistency in identity, a little-appreciated type of effect in communication research. The apparent stability of attitudes and behaviors has figured prominently in several prominent scholarly findings and debates in the discipline. I describe some ambiguity in how researchers define stability and provide a clear framework and definition for stability and communication effects. From there, I demonstrate how stability can be analyzed in the context of quantitative research designs. My approach to modeling stability can seamlessly integrate both the individual-level predictors of stability while still allowing for the discovery of the more familiar type of media effect that change the mean level of a variable. Furthermore, a technical analysis of the statistical evidence claiming to demonstrate high stability of communication and identity reveals that such claims are likely overstated. Using insights from social identity research, the project shows how there may be more variability than meets the eye when it comes to partisan identity. Rather than categorical shifts between Republican and Democrat, this variability comes in the form of changes in the strength of the identity as well as the impact of the identity on one's self-esteem. It was expected that identity motivates communication, yet communication also affects identity. Rather than cause extreme identities and excessive communication, however, people generally achieve an (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: William P. Eveland Jr. (Advisor); Gerald M. Kosicki (Committee Member); Michael D. Slater (Committee Member); Christopher R. Browning (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication

  • 15. Owings, Thomas God-Emperor Trump: Masculinity, Suffering, and Sovereignty

    Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2020, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)

    The following reflects on the 2016 election victory of Donald Trump. Most mainstream media accounts and a number of qualitative, Americanist studies propose a working-class “resentment” narrative to explain Trump's popularity. In contrast, I suggest that political theology and understanding western notions of “sovereignty” are more important for making sense of Trump's popularity. In what follows, I first provide a theoretical critique of genealogies of sovereignty in order to claim that identifying and intervening in situations of suffering are acts endemic to western sovereignty. My theoretical account expands notions of political theology to encompass the affective and the corporeal in order to claim that masculinity and sovereignty are co-constitutive forces in western cultural history. Have illustrated this claim in our canonical sources of political theory, I then return to the theological context of political `theology' in order to locate the importance of suffering. Generally speaking, identifying situations of suffering, intervening within these situations, and causing situations of suffering are all sovereign acts. The popularity of Donald Trump and the unwavering support of his base comes not from a place of political ignorance or a need to irrationally resent others, but from the embodied notions of western politics that conceives of political order anchored on a masculine, sovereign individual who bears and distributes suffering
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    Committee: Julie White Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Judith Grant Ph.D. (Committee Member); Jonathan Agensky Ph.D. (Committee Member); Andrew Ross Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: American Studies; Ancient Civilizations; Biblical Studies; Classical Studies; European Studies; Gender Studies; Philosophy; Political Science; Religion; Religious History; Theology

  • 16. Woodburn, Shae MOMS GO POLITICAL: MATERNALISM IN THE NATIONAL WELFARE RIGHTS ORGANIZATION AND WOMEN STRIKE FOR PEACE

    Artium Baccalaureus (AB), Ohio University, 2020, Political Science

    Maternalism as a political strategy has been frequently used in US politics. I analyzed maternalism through its use in two groups from the 1960s and 1970s: Women Strike for Peace and the National Welfare Rights Organization. In analyzing these groups, the limitations of maternalism are revealed. Maternalism proves to be an exclusive, sometimes racist strategy that allows white women more success in using it. However, maternalism also offers some benefits in creating a pathway into politics for people otherwise excluded, as well as mobilizing large groups as WSP and NWRO both demonstrate. To conclude, I discuss the ways maternalism can adapt to include an ethic of care that allows for the maintenance of the benefits of maternalism while discarding the problematic gendered and racist elements.
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    Committee: Kathleen Sullivan Dr. (Advisor) Subjects: Political Science

  • 17. Davis, Kyle Political Contagions

    Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2019, Political Science

    This thesis explores the comparison between political misinformation and biological infections. The current thesis addresses problems in political science and communications involving measurements of political ecacy and reverse causality with misinformation studies. The thesis ends by suggesting a new way forward, by borrowing methodologies developed in epidemiology to best address reoccurring issues of misinformation in American public opinion. Doing so will allow readers to better categorize knowledge, forecast real-world phenomena, and recognize the dangerous structure and composition that exists with misinformation.
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    Committee: William Minozzi (Advisor); Michael Neblo (Committee Member) Subjects: Political Science

  • 18. Mack, Brianna Roles of Linked Fate and Black Political Knowledge in Shaping Black Responses to Group Messages

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2018, Political Science

    This dissertation explores the relationship between linked fate, political knowledge and message cues. I argue there is a relationship between Black political knowledge, linked fate, and attitudes that varies based on the salience of the issue in question, the source of the message, tone of the message and the recipient's strength of linked fate and amount of Black political knowledge they possessed. This argument draws on research on political attitudes, political knowledge, and psycho-political behavior within the Black community. I conceptualize Black political knowledge as the range of factual information about Black racial group's role in and relationship with the American political system stored in one's memory. Afterwards I introduce the Black political knowledge battery, a 14-item measurement of said concept with questions about the historical, policy, and partisanship aspects of the racial group's political behavior. Afterwards, I use the battery in a survey experiment to examine the relationship between issue salience, message cues, linked fate and Black political knowledge. The data analysis chapter determined support for as well as rejection of the theoretical framework, albeit aspects of the model. Results determined linked fate and Black political knowledge have profound influence on Black responses to group messages regardless of the salience of the issue in the message. However, that influence can be affected by message cues in less racially salient treatments. Likewise, a two-way significant interaction between Black political knowledge and linked fate was discovered, where highly linked and knowledgeable individuals give vastly different responses than high-linked, low-knowledge individuals. This finding supports the theoretical assertion that there is a difference between linked fate and Black political knowledge, such that those who are highly linked but have low knowledge will be more likely to agree with the message described.
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    Committee: Kathleen McGraw (Committee Chair); Thomas Nelson (Committee Co-Chair); Nathaniel Swigger (Committee Member); Ismail White (Committee Member) Subjects: African Americans; Black Studies; Political Science

  • 19. Tunkis, Peter Strength in Numbers: Social Identity, Political Ambition, and Group-based Legislative Party Switching

    Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2018, Political Science

    Party switching, or changing one's political party affiliation, is a surprisingly widespread and persistent phenomenon among members of parliament (MPs) in old and new democracies alike. Switching gives voters the impression of a lack of legislator accountability and representation, and may indicate weak parties or government instability. Why do some MPs risk their careers, prestige, and chances of reelection for oftentimes uncertain payoffs? Extant research on party switching frames this behavior as an individual phenomenon, based on rational calculations to further goals of vote, office, or policy-seeking. Yet in the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe, I find that party switching is largely a group phenomenon, which has heretofore received little attention. Building upon established research on political parties, party systems, and legislator behavior, I develop a theory of group-based defection that addresses this gap in the literature. I argue that MPs pursue political ambition in groups in which they share political goals—the pursuit of collective ambition is thus an alternative means to achieving their objectives. These groups are formed around, or defined by, social identities that are common or shared among individual MPs. By switching political parties as part of a group, individual MPs are able to more effectively pursue their political ambition. After presenting the theory and hypotheses of group-based party switching as a function of the pursuit of collective political ambition and the importance of shared social identities in Chapter 2, Chapter 3 lays out the dissertation's multi-methodological approach. I present novel biographical and legislative data used to test the theory and hypotheses, discuss the variables used in statistical analyses, and describe the administration of semi-structured interviews. Chapter 4 presents the quantitative analyses of the patterns of group switching in Poland from 1997 to 2011, and the influence of indivi (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Anthony Mughan Ph.D. (Advisor); Goldie Shabad Ph.D. (Committee Member); Thomas Nelson Ph.D. (Committee Member); Sara Watson Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Behavioral Psychology; Behavioral Sciences; Comparative; East European Studies; European Studies; Political Science; Psychology; Social Psychology; Sociology

  • 20. Sharma, Rekha A Uses and Gratifications Perspective of the Relationships among Consumption of Government-Conspiracy-Theory-Oriented Media Fare, Trust in Government, and Political Participation

    PHD, Kent State University, 2017, College of Communication and Information / School of Communication Studies

    Contemporary political discourse is rife with accusations of shadowy forces operating in secret to accomplish nefarious goals. Such discourse has been a mainstay in U.S. politics, but little quantitative research has been done on the impact of government-related conspiracy theories in media and how people differ in their use of such fare. This dissertation situates conspiracy theories in a media effects framework, applying uses and gratifications theory to examine whether specific background characteristics (i.e., media skepticism, need for cognition, locus of control, and conservatism or liberalism) work in concert with individuals' motives for and exposure to government-conspiracy-theory-oriented media fare to impact individuals' trust in government as an attitudinal outcome and political participation as a behavioral outcome. Exploratory factor analysis was used to identify four motives for choosing media fare related to government conspiracy theories: (1) social utility/relaxing recreation, (2) political evaluation, (3) pass time, and (4) general information seeking. Significant correlations were found between several background characteristics and use of government-conspiracy-theory-oriented media fare. Use of such fare also correlated with trust in federal government entities and with political participation. Additionally, hierarchical regression analysis revealed the relative contribution of individual differences, motives for conspiracy-theory-oriented media use, and exposure to such fare in predicting levels of trust in four entities of the federal government. Regression analysis also showed the relative contribution of individual differences, motives for conspiracy-theory-oriented media use, exposure to conspiracy-theory-oriented media fare, and trust in government in predicting four forms of political participation. This study affirmed the value of a comprehensive uses and gratifications model for studying the political impact of government conspi (open full item for complete abstract)
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    Committee: Paul Haridakis Ph.D. (Advisor); Danielle Coombs Ph.D. (Committee Member); Janet Meyer Ph.D. (Committee Member); James Ponder Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Journalism; Literacy; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Political Science