Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2013, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)

This thesis will argue that Sheldon Wolin's theory of democracy is conceptually similar to anarchist theory. Wolin is often cited as the key figure who reignited democratic theory in the United States, and he is still regarded as a leading theorist of democracy within academia. Given his esteemed reputation among political philosophers, it is worth illustrating the affinities between his vision of democracy and anarchism, especially because his conception of democracy is oftentimes more anarchic than anarchism. Anarchism is understudied in academia compared to other political forms. It is also commonly derided in popular culture as either frivolous or a recipe for chaos. It is precisely because of anarchism's unfavorable reputation, along with its tendency to be dismissed as an unviable political option, that its similarity to Wolin's vision of democracy deserves attention. A careful reading of Wolin reveals that both his conception of democracy and anarchism might be conceptually symmetrical, or even indistinguishable. There is much to be gained from identifying and elaborating these similarities: If the ideas that are usually associated with democracy - such as equality of political power, inclusion in decision-making, deliberative decision-making, freedom from arbitrary rule, skepticism toward authority, attention to the ordinary, opposition to hierarchy and centralization, the value of localism, and the celebration of diversity - are also mainstays of anarchism, then the struggle to achieve democracy could be identical to the struggle to achieve anarchy: Achieving one would mean achieving the other. This thesis will canvass Wolin's entire corpus in order to present to the reader relevant quotes that demonstrate his anarchist sentiments. Furthermore, a sample of anarchist literature will be surveyed in order to provide concrete evidence of the kinship between Wolin's work and anarchism.

Doctor of Education (EdD), Ohio University, 2024, Educational Administration (Education)

This study seeks to investigate and illuminate what Superintendents perceive to be their democratic ethos and how they maintain their orientation in the context of school board interactions and/or relationships. A democratic ethos is seen by this study as the intrapersonal convictions needed to enable Superintendents to continually drive forward with their practices, even when policy, school-boards, and the community seem to falter. The schoolboard-Superintendent relationship represents a microcosm of American society and overarching democratic values. The research is concerned with the relational synthesis of two concepts by Superintendents as a mechanism for sustaining a system of governance and ensuring the longitudinal growth and progress of the educational systems they work in. Approached as a multiple-case analyses, this study presents the narratives of a group of 10 Superintendents who self-identify democratically. This research sees the concepts of political literacy and social democracy as intertwined. The study has implications for informing the leadership of practicing Superintendents as well as leadership preparation programs, both for K-12 settings as well as post-secondary institutions and can extend to inform the practice of any individual who is charged with organizational leadership throughout the course of their daily demands.

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2025, Comparative Studies

This thesis explores the limitations of contemporary public administration and proposes an alternative vision of democratic governance rooted in participatory design. Building from Camila Stivers's critique of technical rationality and the erasure of care-based governance, the study contends that the dominant paradigm—shaped by New Public Management—continues to prioritize economic efficiency, quantification, and private-sector logic over democratic engagement, equity, and community well-being. In the face of mounting crises—declining civic capacity, institutional distrust, political polarization, and anti-progressive populism—this thesis asks: What alternative futures for public administration might be imagined and enacted? To address this question, the study adopts a hybrid methodological framework that integrates critical social theory, case study analysis, and speculative design. Drawing on the fecund criticism of Cornel West and the critical imagination of Herbert Marcuse, the research constructs two fictional yet empirically grounded narrative case studies: one representing business-as-usual urban governance and another envisioning a democratic alternative shaped by co-design and participatory institutions. The first narrative centers on “New Arcadia,” a prototypical Midwestern city undergoing redevelopment of its Legacy District. Guided by a fiscally pragmatic city manager, Tom Greeley, this account illustrates the prevailing logic of growth machine politics, where public-private partnerships advance economic revitalization while sidelining community voices. Through the experience of Javier Vega, a local cafe owner and longtime resident, the narrative reveals the human costs of displacement and cultural loss often obscured by performance metrics and development rhetoric. The second, speculative narrative imagines a transformation in governance following the rise of a grassroots movement, “One Arcadia,” and the appointment of a new city manager, Ellie (open full item for complete abstract)

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), University of Dayton, 2024, Theology

This dissertation develops an insight of Italian historian, Gabriele De Rosa, that Don Luigi Sturzo, Italian priest-politician and leader of Christian Democracy during the interwar period, developed a form of religious intransigence that deviated from the generally accepted norms of ultramontane Catholics and provided the principles for the practical activities of a mass party representing Italian Christian Democracy (1919-1924). I press on De Rosa's insight to show that Sturzo's “historicizing” of intransigence gave him a method of Catholic antifascism (1924-1946) that in exile found a friendly reception in Britain and the United States. Sturzo named his method popolarismo, or popularism. Through it he aimed to maintain the hard stance of the Catholic faithful on anticlericalism while at the same time conditioning religious intransigence into a friendlier debate with modernity through Catholic social teaching. I investigate De Rosa's briefly stated interpretation during the time of Sturzo's party-building but develop it further by looking at Sturzo's relationships in an exile milieu. Between 1924 and 1946, Sturzo employed his method, a combination of astute historical analysis with a firm belief that Catholic Social teaching had opened a door for the Church's entrance into modernity, inside a transnational antifascist discourse conducted in correspondence, conferences, and the international press. He and his closest associates used his popularist vision to craft arguments that generally favored Wilsonian internationalism while rejecting all forms of authoritarianism, even those that were Catholic. He reminded readers that while culture and politics were not the same thing, the Church's moral teaching ought to have at least an inspired authority in politics because it possessed this in culture. He persisted in this argument despite the Vatican's lean toward authoritarian governments that assured a more abundant ecclesial influence over statecraft than what was as (open full item for complete abstract)

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2024, American Culture Studies

This dissertation explores the role of democracy promotion in US foreign intervention with a particular focus on the weaponization of media and civil society by two important US democracy promotion institutions, the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and US Agency for International Development (USAID). Focusing on these two institutions and building on scholarship that takes a critical Gramscian Marxist perspective on US democracy promotion, this study brings media imperialism and deep political scholarship into the conversation. Delimiting the study to focus on US activities, I trace historical patterns of intellectual warfare and exceptional states of violence and lawlessness pursued by the US government in case studies of foreign intervention in which democracy promotion has played an important part since 1983. I survey the evolution of elite US Cold War conceptions of managed democracy as well as transformations of covert Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) media and civil society operations into institutionalized, pseudo-overt US democracy promotion that became a foundational pretext and method for US interventionism post-Cold War. Case studies include the Contra War in 1980s Nicaragua, Operation Cyclone in 1980s Afghanistan, the 2000 overthrow of Yugoslavian president Slobodan Milosevic, the 2002 military coup against Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez, the 2004 coup against Haitian president Bertrand Aristide, and the 2014 Euromaidan Coup against Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych. I dedicate the penultimate chapter to US-led intervention in the Syrian Civil War that began in 2011, demonstrating how USAID provided instrumental monetary, media, and civil society support to primarily sectarian, theocratic, Salafi rebels against the Ba'athist government. Throughout the dissertation, I argue that the NED and USAID represent important engines of intellectual warfare in US foreign intervention, mobilizing communications and organizational resources to reinf (open full item for complete abstract)

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2021, History

Traditionally, scholars of Classical Athenian history have assumed that the Athenian demokratia organized itself for war around the principle of egalitarianism. My dissertation, which focuses on the military contributions of the elite, marks a significant departure from this view by arguing that this is decidedly not the case. In fact, I argue that the elite were so dominant in every aspect of war-making that warfare under the demokratia was primarily an elite concern. Not only did wealthy Athenians serve more frequently in the ranks, but they did so in a larger number of capacities. The liturgies of elite citizens funded both the individual triremes and in many cases, entire military expeditions. Athenian armies and fleets were led by the most elite citizens, who also dominated debates over matters of war and peace in the ekklesia. This elite domination did not undermine the sovereignty of the demos as a whole, however, as the demos was able to keep its elite members in line due to strict accountability measures. Significantly, these accountability measures, which were vital to the demokratia, were enforced almost exclusively by the elite. This decidedly inegalitarian approach to warfare has a broader significance when it comes to understanding the very nature of demokratia itself. I argue that, when we consider both the inequalities that we see at work when the Athenians made war with better known inequalities, such as the non-inclusion of women in politics and the widespread use of slave labor, this shows that demokratia was built on different principles than modern democracy and did not share modern concerns about inequality. The broader significance of this realization, I argue, is that future studies of demokratia should be more careful about delineating the differences between demokratia and democracy before hazarding comparisons.

Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2020, Philosophy (Arts and Sciences)

Is there a human right to democracy? This question has generated significant discussion in contemporary social and political philosophy. In this paper, I offer a response to Thomas Christiano's thought-provoking arguments in favor of a human right to democracy. I argue that Christiano's Egalitarian Argument depends on his Instrumental Argument in order to succeed. I further argue that the Egalitarian Argument is unsuccessful because of flaws in the scope and logic of the argument as well as the failure of the Instrumental Argument, which the Egalitarian Argument relies on. I conclude by surveying several other types of arguments in favor of democracy, specifically those that do not argue for a human right to democracy.

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2019, Political Science

Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more recently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of democratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding occurs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support transitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic institutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states' domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Limited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding. Empirically, this dissertation makes several contributions. First, I create and validate a latent variable-based cross-national indicator, the Democratic Institutional Strength (DIS) index. The DIS index draws on a theoretically based conceptualization of democratic backsliding, an increasingly important concept for which there had been no previous metric. Second, I combine original and existing panel data to test my theory and find that membership in IOs associated with democracy promotion makes subsequent democratic back (open full item for complete abstract)

Doctor of Philosophy, Miami University, 2015, English

This dissertation examines the history, genealogy, and application of parrhesia, the rhetorical strategy of speaking truth to power that disrupts the status quo and works to realign power dynamics. Parrhesia is invoked when rhetors act out in ways that are potentially dangerous to their own safety but do so in service of deeply held truth values that may be more important to articulate than the rhetor's own life or safety. My dissertation provides a framework to understand parrhesiastic acts and contextualize them within a larger social network where such acts serve to create disruptions and fissures within the field of conventional social practice. Beginning with the origins of parrhesia—in classical rhetoric with democracy in 4th century BCE Athens—this work traces the development of parrhesia as a political, philosophical, and religious practice over the next 800 years by examining primary sources (e.g. extant speeches, letters, biblical texts, and classic rhetoric manuals) as well as secondary scholarship and current cross-disciplinary research. Additionally, this dissertation questions how parrhesia is remediated across oral, print, and digital mediums and how distribution and circulation are affected by examining specific moments of transition in methods of delivery, such as the move from oral culture to print in the nineteenth century and the affordances of contemporary digital technologies. To do this I will discuss two extended examples of parrhesia-in-action: the nineteenth century women's right activist Matilda Gage and the more recent actions of Edward Snowden. Why recover parrhesia? Because parrhesia is an important strategy for marginalized and otherwise silenced groups who must often transgress social boundaries in order to speak out at all. This rhetorical theory provides a framework to understand, analyze, and name parrhesiastic acts that disrupt conventional power structures to enact social change and to trace the networked effects of these (open full item for complete abstract)

Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2011, Political Science

Rape is a problem with which American democracy has never been able to cope. Throughout United States history, rape has been a taboo topic in politics, resulting in little dialogue and even fewer legislative actions. The United States Department of Justice estimates that 300,000 women are raped each year, meaning that in America's relatively short history as a nation, millions of women have been raped. The majority of these women probably never reported their attack; if they did, they faced law enforcement and prosecutors who believed women to be liars. How can one begin to explain this conundrum? With sexual assault having long-since reached epidemic proportions in the population, conservative estimates placing the current rate of women being victimized at one in six, little has been done to address rape in the United States. In order to pursue a solution to this problem, one that has seemingly plagued America since before the American Revolution, an in-depth analysis of it is required. This is precisely what will be presented in the following thesis.

Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2007, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)

This thesis probes the world of video games, focusing on their relationship to America's contemporary sociopolitical scheme. Particular attention is paid to gaming's place in popular culture, the role of leisure in the average American's life, and the content and uses of video games. Video game culture, gaming communities, and individual gamers are examined as potential sources for a more pluralistic, participatory democracy.

Doctor of Philosophy, University of Akron, 2010, Urban Studies and Public Affairs

Aspects of modernity such as liberal democracy, legal rational bureaucracy and socio-economic and political development usually go hand in hand. The development of liberal democracy is contingent upon the existence of a legal rational, merit-based bureaucracy. Although Max Weber was wary about the possible aberration that could result in bureaucracy taking over democratic institutions, he did concede that the two phenomena of mass democracy and modern bureaucracy develop in parallel. The concepts of individual liberty, delegated sovereignty, political legitimacy and equality are results of modern man's ability to rationalize. To act upon the will of the majority in a modern mass-democracy, legal rational bureaucracy emerged as its necessary administrative tool. This important facet of political modernity, however, has largely ignored by democracy and development experts. The profound “reassessment” of the role of bureaucracy in the hope of curtailing fiscal crisis has resulted in extensive cutback programs that have destroyed the core segments of bureaucracy. Despite billions of dollars pouring into regions of Africa and Asia, new democratic states have not been able to deliver "good governance". Technically liberal democracy should facilitate modern bureaucracy but that has not been the case as shown by so many studies in public administration. Instead, there has been a conscious effort to stifle bureaucratic development in the belief that bureaucracy acts as a hindrance to democratic development and economic growth. This “tampering” may have resulted in regimes that have either strong democratic regime traits with weak, formalistic administrative institutions; or relatively modern administrative institutions with weak democratic regime traits. The study assumes that both modern bureaucracy and liberal democracy start from the nascent or under-developed state and proceed towards fully developed or consolidated state. Both these phenomena are offshoots of political (open full item for complete abstract)

Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2015, International and Comparative Politics

Ironically, it appears that the countries with the greatest resource wealth have often had the hardest time achieving political and economic stability. Is there a direct correlation between the way in which natural resources are controlled within a country and its democratic process? How do other factors come into play, such as MNC involvement or the level of natural resource revenue dependency? This study compares and contrasts two resource-rich countries: the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Botswana between 1885 and 2012. To address the problem under investigation, three hypotheses have been formulated: 1) the higher the level of involvement of multinational corporations within a country, the less likely that country will successfully transition to democracy; 2) the higher the level of dependency a country has on revenue from natural resources, the less likely that country's leadership will manage those resources responsibly; and 3) the way in which resources are managed is likely to affect a country's transition to democracy. This study finds that high levels of MNC involvement and resource dependence have a variable effect on democratization but should always be observed and questioned. Only the third hypothesis was confirmed: resource management is a critical factor affecting democratic outcomes.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2013, Communication Studies (Communication)

As a result of the Great Recession and the sluggish recovery, a downturn in the economy led to mass layoffs, leaving employees in various industries in the for-profit sector feeling hopeless and marginalized. Those employees were left voiceless as companies made autocratic decisions to cut wages and jobs to remain economically viable. This period of uncertainty for employee led to questions of whether or not space for participation, voice, and democracy could exist in the for-profit sector. Little research has focused on alternative, democratic organizing in the for-profit sector; hence, this research posed the central question: Under what conditions can a for-profit organization create a democratic, participatory culture that thrives in a capitalist society? To answer this question, a critical ethnography case study was conducted on a small for-profit telecommunications business that claims to be democratic. Ten individuals from the company and an expert on democratic corporations were interviewed. Results suggest multiple strategies enable democratic practices in a corporate for-profit environment that can flourish in a downturn economy. These strategies consist of a shared democratic narrative among employees, scalable practices, and practicing transparency while holding employees accountable in the face of a downturn.

PHD, Kent State University, 2024, College of Education, Health and Human Services / School of Foundations, Leadership and Administration

This study investigates the educational dimensions of theatre through a post-critical philosophical lens, viewing theatre as an object of intrinsic value and significance. It examines how theatre sets the scene for democratic engagement for the diverse audiences who encounter it; explores its role as a public good, worthy of public support and engagement; and looks at how it operates educationally—both as an academic environment that fosters intellectual and emotional growth and as a laboratory for cultivating democratic citizenship. Additionally, this study argues for theatre's inclusion as a curricular subject in grades K–12 and proposes a pragmatic solution for rural schools. Because it conceptualizes theatre as an educational phenomenon rather than pure entertainment, it adds depth to ongoing discussions about theatre's worth in school settings and offers a more expansive understanding of how theatre engages audiences in all settings. Finally, this study sets the stage for deeper discussions and debate on how theatre fits into local schools, community arts organizations, and education more broadly.

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 1971, Graduate School

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 1948, Graduate School

Ph.D., Antioch University, 2024, Leadership and Change

The study sought to ascertain whether introducing democracy has adversely impacted Indigenous cultural practices in Ghana or whether the path to democracy has enhanced, shaped, or strengthened aspects of the country's Indigenous culture. The study sheds some light on the realistic, symbolic, and pervasive threat(s) that transitional or Indigenous societies like Ghana undergoing the process of democratization face and must deal with. More specifically, the study provides some insights into how traditional societies, where Indigenous values and practices are held with some reverence and esteem, can be integrated into liberal democratic institutions to potentially ameliorate cultural tension and political discord that often accompanies the process of democratic and electoral transitions. The study also provides a rich context to explain and dispel some of the pernicious stereotypes and perceptions about countries that strive to build a suitable system of governance by combining aspects of their Indigenous culture and liberal democratic tenets. The primary scholarly contribution of the study is a greater understanding of how Indigenous cultural norms, as informal institutions, shape the trajectory and consolidation of democratization in sub-Saharan Africa. This dissertation is available in open access at AURA (https://aura.antioch.edu) and OhioLINK ETD Center (https://etd.ohiolink.edu).

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2023, EDU Teaching and Learning

Career-technical education (CTE) is essential in training and educating young people in the United States and has purposefully served a distinct role from comprehensive schooling models. However, the conceptualizations of career-technical education in common perception and in academic research typically reinforce the academic-vocational divide, a pervasive binary that has been maintained throughout history and into today. There is limited empirical research that explores literacies in CTE without the confines of the academic-vocational divide or outside of deficit perspectives of the students in CTE. In this study, I seek to speak to these gaps and dispel the academic-vocational binary by (re)conceptualizing literacies in a career-technical program, pharmacy technician, and an academic course, English language arts. During the 2020-2021 school year, I conducted a multiple-case study with an ethnographic perspective at Northside Area Career Center, a career-technical high school on the outskirts of a major Midwestern city. With a frame of social and sociomaterial perspective of literacies, I drew on theory of figured worlds, including positioning, personhood, and social imagination in order to understand literacy events and practices as they were used and positioned within the pharmacy technician program and ELA class. I primarily constructed data as a participant-observer in these spaces as I collaborated with veteran teachers: the pharmacy technician teacher, Ms. Lark, and the ELA teacher, Ms. Sims. Data collected included fieldnotes, audio and video recorded classroom lessons and lab work, artifacts, and interviews with both teachers and students. I share findings from each case and a comparison across them, arguing that students in both classrooms were learning to be citizens in a democratic society through the teachers centering collaboration, valuing multiple perspectives, and enacting a range of figured worlds. In the ELA class, Ms. Sims established seminars (open full item for complete abstract)

Doctor of Education (Educational Leadership), Youngstown State University, 2022, Department of Teacher Education and Leadership Studies

This dissertation attempts to locate the general and specific theories and practices that account for the incentives and obstacles for low-income and marginalized persons' structural incorporation into corporate governance. Factors related to health/human services and community development organizations that purport to engage in work for the betterment of such low-income and marginalized persons are explored. Through a mixed-methods model, this dissertation, especially after the 50th anniversary year of the War on Poverty, explores the perspectives of board members and others about perceived and real obstacles and incentives to participate in such governance. Unlike in the past with the War on Poverty, a new moment, or punctuated equilibrium, may provide a new opportunity for low-income voices to be heard and institutionalized. The Delphi panelists held strong consensus in agreement that it is important to include low-income persons on boards, but it is not a requirement. The panelists hold in strong consensus of agreement that training is needed to help understand the issues faced by low-income persons and communities, and training needs to help all members deal with problem-solving skills. The panelists hold in strong consensus in disagreement that it is no longer important for low-income persons to serve on boards. There is a critical finding that as the new governance and accountability movements attest, there is not an urgency, though with some nuances, for some form of structural inclusion of low-income persons on boards of community service agencies. This work adds to the social theoretical literature pertaining to operative political-economic perspectives and values, institutional isomorphism, and network diffusion concerning the inclusion of diverse voices and its real and practical impact on nonprofit board governance.