Master of Arts (MA), Bowling Green State University, 2023, Media and Communication

The internet has transformed access to information, but it has also created challenges such as the spread of unwanted content. To address this, internet companies and governments have employed censorship practices, particularly content removal. However, content removal poses a major threat to freedom of speech. This study was designed to understand the nature of government requests for content removal from Google. Using data from Google Transparency report, and Freedom House reports, this research investigates the relationship between government political systems and freedom of speech. Specifically, it focuses on three Google products - YouTube, Web search, and Blogger - to demonstrate how government requests for content removal shed light on the state of democracy in 86 countries captured in the Google Transparency Report in 2020. This study contributes to the scientific inquiry into censorship issues and expands knowledge about the nature of content likely to be removed from the internet by the government. It also makes significant a contribution to censorship research by being one of the first to use Google's Transparency Report for post-publication censorship analysis. Overall, by exploring the relationship between government requests for content removal and freedom of speech, this research seeks to advance our understanding of the complex challenges posed by censorship in the digital age and offers insight to improve the internet for everyone.

Committee: Louisa Ha Ph.D (Committee Chair); Frederick Busselle Ph.D (Committee Member); Ilyoung Ju Ph.D (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Information Technology; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Political Science

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2017, Journalism (Communication)

Using the theoretical perspectives of Spiral of Silence and Securitization, this dissertation examines (1) how censorship practices such as content removal were employed by the United States and the Indian governments to securitize the internet and social media, and (2) whether such practices contribute to an online spiral of silence. To explore these aspects, this study used a mixed-method approach with in-depth interviews and surveys. Seven interviews with authors of Transparency Reports and legal experts provided information about the U.S. and Indian government-initiated content removal process from Google Web Search, Blogger, YouTube, Facebook and Twitter between 2010 and 2015. Surveys with 587 respondents from the United States and India explored self-censorship on Facebook and Twitter, on issues related to national security and government criticism. The findings indicate that in the United States, “defamation” is the frequently cited yet an often-misused reason for content removal, while in India “religious offense” and “defamation” are prominent reasons for content takedowns. On several occasions, protected speech was removed from the internet and social media in both countries. Such acts of state-level censorship, in turn impacts self-censoring on controversial issues by individuals on social media. The implications here are that using the law to criminalize dissent increases self-censorship and this is counter-productive to democratic discourse.

Committee: Yusuf Kalyango Jr., Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Aimee Edmondson Ph.D. (Committee Member); Eve Ng Ph.D. (Committee Member); Nukhet Sandal Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Information Technology; International Law; Journalism; Legal Studies; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Technology

Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2018, Art History

This thesis catalogue is the written component of the exhibition of the same name, which was presented at Ohio University's Kennedy Museum of Art between October 27 and December 17, 2017. The exhibition featured artists Sue Coe, David Wojnarowicz, Kara Walker, and John Sims, all of whom have been censored in the United States within the last thirty years. Their work utilizes charged subject matter and symbols to provoke emotional response and reflection about complex issues, including race, sexuality, gender, and religion. In turn, their works have received push-back from institutions, organizations, and individuals attempting to maintain certain controls. The culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s were heated debates between artists and these censors that had manifested from increasingly disparate ideas about American identity.This catalogue situates their individual censorship experiences within the contexts of the culture wars and widespread societal changes that had been ongoing since the 1960s.

Committee: Courtney Kessel (Advisor) Subjects: Art History

PHD, Kent State University, 2012, College of Communication and Information / School of Communication Studies

In this study, I utilized the third-person effect hypothesis to examine high school administrators' perceptions and self-reported propensity to censor a potential story in their school newspaper about teenagers engaging in sexual activity. The sample consistent of (N = 187) public high school administrators from across the United States. Participants completed measures of third-person perceptual bias, locus of control, self-efficacy, perceived First Amendment knowledge, actual First Amendment knowledge, First Amendment support, past experience with censorship, message desirability, social distance, and propensity to censor to protect students enrolled in the administrator's school and the school's reputation. Results indicated the administrators exhibited third-person perceptions when comparing perceived effects of exposure to the story on themselves to other groups including students in their school, parents of students in their school, and members of the school community. Message desirability significantly negatively predicted third-person perceptual bias. Hierarchical regression analysis was used to examine predictors of propensity to censor to protect students and propensity to censor to protect the school. Variables were entered in three steps (background variables, external factors, and perceptual bias). Self-reported propensity to censor to protect students was predicted by self-efficacy, message (un)desirability, and third-person perceptual bias. When considering the role of social distance and perceptual bias from oneself to parents of students, external locus of control was also a predictor. Self-reported propensity to censor to protect the school was predicted by self-efficacy, First Amendment support, message (un)desirability, and third-person perceptual bias. When considering the role of social distance and perceptual bias from oneself to school community members, external locus of control was also a predictor. Practical and theoretical implications for (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Paul Haridakis PhD (Advisor); Stanley Wearden PhD (Committee Member); Alexa Sandmann EdD (Committee Member); Mark Goodman JD (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Education; Journalism; Law; Mass Media; Social Psychology

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2024, Women's, Gender and Sexuality Studies

Drawing from two years of interviews, in-person participant observation, and digital fieldwork with the parents' rights group Moms for Liberty, this dissertation explores the growth of the anti-gender movement in the United States. I explore how and why Moms for Liberty has so quickly succeeded in their efforts to ban gender affirming care for trans youth, bar the discussion of LGBTQ identities and race in K-12 schools, and remove books about race and gender from school and public libraries. Moms for Liberty members situate the hierarchy of the Christian nuclear family as a roadmap for political hierarchy, using their roles as mothers to enshrine the familial subject positions of the Christian nuclear family as the basis for societal order. Arguing that the group achieved mainstream success by mobilizing the figure of the Child in danger, I demonstrate that Moms for Liberty uses normative ideas about childhood innocence and childhood development to radicalize parents into the anti-gender movement. By focusing on how M4L activists construct the Child as the private property of the nuclear family, I further explore how far-right groups situate public institutions as violations of their right to ‘ownership' over children. I conclude by demonstrating how Moms for Liberty's advocacy has contributed to a movement for the partial privatization of the education system at the state level.

Committee: Mary Thomas (Advisor); Jian Chen (Committee Member); Wendy Hesford (Committee Member) Subjects: American Studies; Education; Gender; Gender Studies; Public Policy; Social Research; Social Structure; Womens Studies

PHD, Kent State University, 2024, College of Communication and Information

Despite China's notoriously top-level censorship in restricting its netizens accessing overseas media and websites, people in mainland China still use circumventing tools, such as Virtual Private Networks (VPNs) to bypass the Great Firewall (GFW) to access overseas news and stay connected in the overseas social networks. Due to the continuous of restriction of VPN usage in mainland China, using circumventing tools is a risky behavior. Even talking about bypassing is a social taboo. The purpose of the dissertation to better understand the specific group of netizens in mainland China who still choose to bypass despite these challenges. Thus, the dissertation contains two studies and applies two theoretical frameworks. The first study, which is exploratory and descriptive, looks at the association between personality traits on specific technology (VPNs) use intention to circumvent under measuring the Big Five Personality Traits. However, the results found no association between the Big Five Personality Traits and Chinese mainland netizens' intention of using a VPN tool to bypass the GFW. The second study, which is an experimental design, examines and aims to understand mainland Chinese netizens' news sharing intention after bypassing the GFW to access the overseas news at a different controversy level under the theories of willingness to self-censor and the spiral of silence. Here, results showed that predictors of people's sharing intention varied according to the differences of the communication environment. In the online public communication environment, the interaction between bypass results and news controversy level has a negative influence on one people's sharing intention. In the online interpersonal communication environment, both news controversy level and people's willingness to self-censor have a negative influence on their sharing intention. And in the offline communication environment, people do not care about either how controversial the news is or whe (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Michael Beam (Committee Chair); Tang Tang (Committee Member); David Silva (Committee Member); Qiang Guan (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2023, History

This project examines the life, career, and controversies surrounding Mexican playwright Rodolfo Usigli and his play El gesticulador, a tragicomedy that satirized the hypocrisies of rule in Mexico following the revolution of 1910. Usigli emerged as one of the leading, if controversial, voices within Mexican theater during the 1930s and 1940s, writing politically critical plays based in his particular vision for a national theater tradition in Mexico. The height of the playwright's dramaturgical output corresponded with an elite class in the process of consolidating an institutionalized, “official” culture, homogenized revolutionary history, and political system dominated by an effectively single-party state. Censored for almost a decade, Usigli's El gesticulador premiered on the stage of Mexico City's Palacio de Bellas Artes under high praise and intense scandal, both reflecting and contributing to renewed debates concerning Mexico's political system, freedom of expression, and the changing “institutional” revolution. Following the play's staging, Usigli would ultimately go on to act as a coopted intellectual in the service of the state. Thus, I track Usigli's evolution alongside that of the single-party state, arguing that the playwright acts as an insightful example of the power dynamics informing the relationships between political and cultural elites in postrevolutionary Mexico.

Committee: Elena Albarrán (Advisor); José Amador (Committee Member); Andrew Offenburger (Committee Member) Subjects: History; Latin American History; Theater History

Master of Computer and Information Science, Cleveland State University, 2022, Washkewicz College of Engineering

Website fingerprinting is a passive network traffic analysis technique which enables an adversary to identify the website a user visited despite encryption and the use of privacy services such as Tor. Several website fingerprinting defenses built on top of Tor have been put forth in an attempt to guarantee a user's privacy by concealing trace features important to classification. However, a number of the best defenses incur a high bandwidth and/or latency overhead. To combat this, new defenses have sought to be both lightweight – i.e., introduce a small amount of bandwidth overhead – and zero-delay to real network traffic. This work introduces a novel zero-delay and lightweight website fingerprinting defense, titled BRO, which conceals the feature-rich front of a trace while still enabling the obfuscation of features deeper into the trace without spreading the padding budget thin. BRO schedules padding with a randomized beta distribution that can skew to both the extreme left and right, keeping the applied padding clustered to a finite portion of a trace. This work specifically targets deep learning based attacks, which continue to be among the most accurate website fingerprinting attacks. Results show that BRO is a formidable defense and decreases the accuracy of a state-of-the-art deep learning based attack while still providing protection against machine learning based attacks that is on par with other defenses.

Committee: Chansu Yu Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Janche Sang Ph.D. (Committee Member); Sathish Kumar Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Computer Science

Honors Theses, Ohio Dominican University, 2022, Honors Theses

Over recent years, legislative efforts have been introduced to aid in the censorship of titles that are deemed inappropriate. This is especially the case with books that contain LGBTQ content, which are frequently challenged within school libraries. The project looks at the presence of LGBTQ young adult titles within public high school libraries within the state of Ohio, the demographic information that impacts the inclusion of such titles, and the attitudes and beliefs of school librarians regarding these books. By recognizing the factors that impact the inclusion of diverse literature within school libraries and the progress that has been made in this area, it is clear that politics and legislative efforts can have a severe impact on the access of students to diverse titles, despite the fact that such titles are in demand among young people and serve to benefit students of all genders and sexualities.

Committee: Jeremy Glazier (Advisor); Kelsey Squire (Committee Member); John Marazita (Committee Member) Subjects: Literature

PHD, Kent State University, 2021, College of Communication and Information / School of Media and Journalism

Guided by the gatekeeping theory and the hierarchy of influences model, this study explored factors that influence student comfort level in publishing controversial content. Variables were studied at the individual, routine, organizational, social institutional, and social systems levels of the theoretical model. Results indicate that factors on the routine, organizational, and social systems level of the model significantly predict student comfort level in publishing controversial material, while factors on the individual and social institutional level were not significant predictors. In other words, the level of perceived administrative censorship, as well as the students' individual willingness to self-censor, did not significantly predict student comfort level in publishing controversial material. However, the students' role on staff (whether they served in an editor role), how they viewed the societal role of journalists, and who they perceived as having final say over content decisions, were significant predictors of student comfort level in publishing controversial content.

Committee: Tang Tang Ph.D. (Committee Co-Chair); Hoak Gretchen Ph.D. (Committee Co-Chair) Subjects: Journalism; Mass Communications

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2021, History

The British civil-military relationship during World War I has most frequently been characterized by the interpersonal relationships and high-level strategic arguments of the civilian and military leaders, particularly David Lloyd George and General William Robertson. This dissertation demonstrates that the growing emotional community of munitions workers and the liaison reports of Brigadier General Charles Delme-Radcliffe were two extremely important and previously overlooked factors in civil-military tensions. During the Great War, munitions workers increasingly banded together because of their frustration with unequal sacrifice. They consistently carried a heavy burden to provide men and munitions for the military, while also working long hours with inadequate pay, poor housing, diminished standard of living, and reduced access to food. At the same time, there was a pervasive perception that munitions employers and higher-class elements of British society were profiting off of their sacrifice, and indeed were not sacrificing themselves at all. The wartime expansion of the British state brought the expectation that this lack of equality of sacrifice was now the responsibility of the government. When the British government failed to adequately deliver on those expectations, it generated large amounts of frustration, which helped to forge a new emotional community. This community put immense amounts of pressure on Lloyd George's government through strikes, unrest, and general discontent. Needing to find a path to both appease this emotional community and win the war, Lloyd George turned to the liaison reports of Delme-Radcliffe, Head of the British Military Mission to Italy. His reports indicated to Lloyd George that a coalition-based Italian Front strategy could reduce the sacrifices of munitions workers, while also providing a route to eliminating Austria-Hungary from the war. Robertson and Field Marshal Douglas Haig disagreed with this approach,preferring to f (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Jennifer Siegel (Advisor); Christopher Otter (Committee Member); Bruno Cabanes (Committee Member) Subjects: European History; Military History; Modern History

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2021, Economics

From its inception, YouTube has grown tremendously, and with it, the scale of its advertisers. Throughout the years to keep this immense revenue stream, YouTube has continued to update their content guidelines and restrictions to appear more ad friendly. With more restrictions however, come negative impacts on the earnings potential for content creators. Using a difference-in-differences specification we are able to pinpoint four instances where policies were updated and had significant impacts on creators. We find that in order to supplement lost ad-revenue from YouTube, content creators have migrated some of their focus to Patreon resulting in increases of patrons of up to ~27 more compared to those who did not experience the YouTube shock (i.e., result for a policy change in April 2017, controlling for several fixed effects and the choice to keep earnings private). In our sample the average patrons per creator is ~13, emphasizing the significance of this change.

Committee: Mark Tremblay (Advisor); Deborah Fletcher (Committee Member); Riley Acton (Committee Member) Subjects: Economics

Bachelor of Arts, Wittenberg University, 2020, Communication

Beginning in April of 2019, protestors in Hong Kong, in response to an extradition bill allowing to detain and transfer individuals wanted in other countries, demanded amnesty for arrested protestors, removal of the label `riot' for the protests, inquiry on police brutality, the implementation of universal suffrage in Hong Kong, and the withdrawal of the extradition bill. After the bill was withdrawn, protests continued after as the remaining demands were not addressed. Media coverage, being a major source of communication to those within and outside of the nation, must use language in a way that creates a coherent ideological framework. This study examines coverage on the 2019 protests to observe the presentation of the events in Hong Kong to English-speaking audiences.

Committee: Sheryl Cunningham (Advisor); Mary Zuidema (Committee Member); Kelly Dillon (Committee Member) Subjects: Asian Studies; Communication; Journalism; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Political Science

Master of Arts (MA), Bowling Green State University, 2021, German/History (dual)

The East German Stasi stood among the most effective secret police forces in modern history, creating a surveillance apparatus that invaded all levels of society and affected many thousands of people, from ordinary citizens to the highest levels of the West German government. Artists and writers have long been preoccupied with the Stasi and have featured the organization in their productions since even the peak of the Cold War. Cultural productions like literature and film often serve as valuable “windows” into historical societies and the minds of those who dwelled therein, shedding light on values and norms that existed at the time, as well as the conditions that surrounded the publication of said productions. This study examines the portrayal of the Stasi in literature and film, starting during the Cold War in East German literature, moving to immediately after reunification, and ending in the twenty-first century. Specifically, it studies the general “character” of the organization as portrayed by various artists, and how these portrayals developed over time. This study draws on both history and German Studies as subjects, featuring intensive literature analysis and partial analysis of surveillance files, along with reference to a broad body of secondary research. This study shows that as time has passed, the portrayal of the Stasi in various media has become more nuanced and fact focused, owing to the increased amount of available information on the organization. Initially the organization is seen as a force of nature, with emphasis placed upon its mystery and influence. As time progressed, artists rejected the power of the Stasi by portraying them as human and fallible, occasionally as comedically incompetent.

Committee: Douglas Forsyth PhD (Advisor); Kristie Foell PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: Germanic Literature; History

Master of Science (MS), Ohio University, 2005, Journalism (Communication)

If a magazine's achievements can be measured in part by whom and how many it infuriated in the shortest amount of time, then surely Scanlan's Monthly deserves to be honored. The brainchild of former Ramparts editor Warren Hinckle and former New York Times law reporter Sidney Zion, Scanlan's printed only eight issues in 1970 and 1971. But during its short lifetime the magazine drew the attention and often the ire of business, labor, law enforcement, and government leaders including Vice President Spiro Agnew and President Richard Nixon. In the midst of such special attention, Scanlan's managed to print some of the most provocative muckraking journalism of its time. Scanlan's published the first examples of Hunter S. Thompson's now-celebrated Gonzo journalism; and two years before anyone outside of Washington, D.C., had heard of Watergate, Scanlan's called for President Nixon's impeachment. Scanlan's' 2019; eighth issue, dedicated to the subject of guerilla violence in the U.S., was subjected to a nationwide boycott by printing unions, and was then seized by Montreal police after it was printed in Quebec. The issue, which turned out to be Scanlan's' last, finally appeared in January 1971 after a three-month delay. Scanlan's' insistence on taking on and not backing down from power doomed it to an early death, and its brushes with the U.S. government demonstrate the extent of the Nixon administration's war on the dissident press. Scanlan's is a sobering lesson on how government power can be wielded to harass, and in some cases silence, the press.

Committee: Patrick Washburn (Committee Chair) Subjects: History; Journalism; Mass Communications; Mass Media

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2020, History (Arts and Sciences)

World War II was a media war. Most previous scholarship on the press focuses on censorship, propaganda, or the adventures of war correspondents. This dissertation takes a new direction and shows how the press and public opinion influenced the conflict. U.S. military leaders attempted to use the press as a weapon to improve morale, build public support for national strategies, assist Allied relations, confuse the enemy, and inspire soldiers. The media and public opinion, however, also began shaping military actions on the battlefield. Commanders in Europe and the Pacific competed with other Allied forces for prestige objectives, waged public relations campaigns to have their theaters receive priority for supplies, and vied with each other for headlines. This influence of the press on the battlefield demonstrates how the media was an essential, though previously overlooked, component of total war. Nevertheless, the media-military relationship formed during World War II did not translate well into later limited wars.

Committee: Ingo Trauschweizer (Advisor); John Brobst (Committee Member); Pach Chester (Committee Member); Sweeney Michael (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; European History; History; Journalism; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Military History; Military Studies; Modern History; Political Science; World History

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2019, History

This thesis studies the Cincinnati Committee for the Evaluation of Comics, which operated from 1948 until 1979, but performed its most significant work before 1956. The Cincinnati Committee used a system of criteria developed by a University of Cincinnati psychology professor to rate comic books on cultural, moral, and aesthetic grounds. Through a partnership with Parents' Magazine, a popular periodical for postwar families, the Cincinnati Committee's critiques and lists reached an audience of over one million readers. Due to this widespread exposure and perception as a form of effective comic book regulation, congressional investigations of objectionable literature in 1952 and 1954 referenced the committee's work in their hearings. This project is the first to use the Cincinnati Committee's own archival materials in service of a historical narrative and argues that rather than being simply one of many localized responses to comic books, the Committee's work instead decisively shaped the national discussion over kids and comics. This examination of the Cincinnati Committee, which also provides a new history of the American anti-comics movement, helps to provide a path to understanding the Cold War in America by demonstrating its effects on domestic politics and social interactions.

Committee: Stephen Norris Ph.D. (Advisor); Steven Conn Ph.D. (Committee Member); Amanda McVety Ph.D. (Committee Member); Amy Kiste Nyberg Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: History

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2018, Communication

Much of recent media censorship research focuses on the institutional characteristics of media systems that define what we consider open versus closed media environments. The primary focus of these studies is to assess the negative consequences of media censorship on political learning (i.e., political belief accuracy). Despite these scholarly endeavors, the psychological factors that mediate the relationship between the information environment and citizen knowledge are generally overlooked. In order to better understand these factors, we must look beyond the structural nature of media systems, and evaluate the role of affective, cognitive, and behavioral responses of citizens who perceive they are living in a censored information environment. The objective of this project is to address these psychological processes by applying the concept of reactance to a novel theoretical framework that explores the relationship between perceived threat to media freedom, online information seeking, and accuracy of political beliefs. The framework is applied in three studies using samples from three countries with vastly different media systems (Turkey, Iran, and the U.S.). The objective is to assess the hypotheses, which suggest higher levels of reactance towards threats to mainstream media freedom will motivate individuals to turn to alternative online information seeking, which will then influence political belief accuracy with respect to broad social and political issues. The underlying premise of these studies is that those who exhibit negative affective and cognitive responses to threats towards their media freedom are more likely to engage in activities or behaviors that supplement their perceived loss of information. Such active pursuit of information through the diverse alternative online sources is then expected to augment political belief accuracy in largely restrictive media environments. It is further suggested that in circumstances where the mainstream media (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Erik Nisbet (Advisor); David Ewoldsen (Committee Member); Kelly Garrett (Committee Member); Gerald Kosicki (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2017, History (Arts and Sciences)

This dissertation examines the struggle between Chile's opposition press and the dictatorial regime of Augusto Pinochet Ugarte (1973-1990). It argues that due to Chile's tradition of a pluralistic press and other factors, and in bids to strengthen the regime's legitimacy, Pinochet and his top officials periodically demonstrated considerable flexibility in terms of the opposition media's ability to publish and distribute its products. However, the regime, when sensing that its grip on power was slipping, reverted to repressive measures in its dealings with opposition-media outlets. Meanwhile, opposition journalists challenged the very legitimacy Pinochet sought and further widened the scope of acceptable opposition under difficult circumstances. Ultimately, such resistance contributed to Pinochet's defeat in the 1988 plebiscite, initiating the return of democracy. Historians have paid relatively little attention to the relationship between the dictatorship and the opposition press, the critical role opposition journalism played during the Pinochet years, and the importance of opposition journalists in the successful “No” campaign in the 1988 plebiscite. This dissertation makes clear that the opposition media—and opposition newsmagazines in particular—together played a vital role during the period.

Committee: Patrick Barr-Melej (Advisor) Subjects: History; Journalism; Latin American History

Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2017, Art History

This thesis provides an analysis of New Censorship Theory applied to two different cases of political art censorship: Dread Scott's “What Is The Proper Way to Display a U.S Flag?” exhibited in Chicago, Illinois in 1988 and the Stars' “Stars Exhibition,” shown in Beijing, China in 1979. The “Stars Exhibition,” consisting of western modern art styles that were condemned by China's communist government, was held outside the National Art Gallery after being denied space inside. The Public Security Bureau arrived with nearly one hundred policemen to confiscate the artwork. Despite their popularity with the Chinese public, many members of the Stars self-exiled to the west. Dread Scott's “What Is The Proper Way to Display a U.S Flag?” was an installation and performance piece consisting of an American flag laid on the ground as a walkway towards a book in which audience members were invited to answer the question “What is the proper way to display a U.S flag?” Interest groups attempted to censor the work by requesting stronger flag desecration laws, both state and federal. Additionally, George H. W. Bush, president at the time, declared the work “disgraceful.” Although both of these pieces faced traditional forms of censorship as repressive government intervention, they also facilitated a way for the artists to gain considerable popularity. The censorship of these works generated discourse on the issues that were being addressed through these artworks, ultimately providing the artists with a greater platform on which they can promote their ideas.

Committee: Jennie Klein (Advisor) Subjects: Art History