Doctor of Philosophy, University of Akron, 2024, History

For the first century of its existence, colonial Puritanism in New England embraced anti-Catholicism. It first emerged out of anti-Catholic efforts to continue the Reformation in England, by removing Catholic rituals, symbols, ideas, and people from the English church, state, and society. Through the processes of migration and settlement-building in the unique contexts of the New England borderlands, their once “English” anti-Catholicism evolved and became “Americanized.” Puritans felt this new “Americanized” anti-Catholicism on an everyday basis, making colonial Puritan anti-Catholicism more intense than its English counterpart. Embracing an anti-Catholic “errand” into the New England borderlands, a region filled with new people and geography that was far from the reaches of the English state, colonial Puritans experimented with and crafted their religious, political, and social institutions, practices, and identities on anti-Catholicism. Catholics became “the Other,” imagined as violent and oppressive tyrants, plotters, murderers, and even the anti-Christ, from which colonial Puritans defined their community in opposition. Constant conflict with Indigenous peoples, New France, and “popery” raised anxieties and fears over the very survival of Puritan communities. As a result, New Englanders passed stranger laws—regulations, oaths, and other means to control the presence of alien peoples—to restrict Catholic “strangers” within their colonies. By exploring the relationship between the colonies of New England and Ireland, it becomes clear that the English language of civility and violence, which was employed in New England against both Indigenous peoples and Catholics, originated within the process of Irish colonization. This language was thus tied to that colonization's virulent anti-Catholicism, which was then transported to New England.

Committee: Gina Martino (Advisor); Michael Graham (Committee Member); Hilary Nunn (Committee Member); Janet Klein (Committee Member); Kevin Kern (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; American Literature; European History; History; Law; Religion; Religious History

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2024, History

This dissertation examines the complex dynamics of European intervention, war, and post-war transitions, as the multiconfessional, multilingual imperial borderland of Epirus evolved into a region divided between two states, Greece and Albania, by the practices of border demarcation and the forces of national homogenization. I focus on this complicated and nuanced shift through the lens of religious identity, and the significant roles war and diplomacy played in crystalizing religion as a key component of national identity. Multiconfessional imperial spaces did not conform neatly within the paradigm of the nation-state, and this tension was a factor that local communities and national activists confronted and navigated as the European Powers dictated, through diplomacy, that these communities must align themselves with rigid national categories and within newly established corresponding territories. By its nature of pluralism, multiconfessionalism poses a challenge for the concept of homogeneity that the nation-state paradigm demands. Therefore, in Epirus, where local communities often blurred the boundaries of religious distinction through social interactions and even intermarriages, religious communities were forced to disentangle or, “unmix,” in order to conform to Albanian and Greek definitions of national identity and European diplomatic demands for the creation of homogenous nation-states. This disentangling of lands and people was a long and volatile process that began with European intervention in Epirus during the rule of Ali Pasha in the late-Ottoman period, continued through the demise of the Ottoman Empire in Europe in 1913, and became practiced at the national and local levels during and after the Paris Peace in 1919. I argue that the transition from a multilingual, multiconfessional imperial space into a border region torn between the competing claims of the Greek and Albanian states was a process that required the unmixing, or disentangling, of rel (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Bruno Cabanes (Committee Member); Theodora Dragostinova (Advisor); Yigit Akin (Committee Member) Subjects: East European Studies; European History; Minority and Ethnic Groups; Modern History; Peace Studies

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2021, American Culture Studies

The migration flows that peaked during the 2015-2016 “refugee crisis” have had long-lasting effects to the countries of the European South. The latter have been deemed as border wardens of the European Union, filtering the “undesirables” who pose a threat to the European North, and by extension a proclaimed “Western way of life.” This project examines the living conditions of displaced persons and the systems of support in place for them in the European borderlands of Greece, with a case study of Crete. Starting from an archival ethnography and textual analysis of the “crisis” in an institutional archive, the ethnographic research focuses on the experiences of humanitarian workers and displaced persons on the island of Crete, where reception programs for asylum seekers and refugees run since 2017. Through in-depth ethnographic interviews with six (6) displaced persons and (24) humanitarian workers, the project analyzes the views, experiences, and strategies employed by humanitarian workers in protection and assistance programs for asylum seekers and refugees that dominate the Greek borderlands. Moreover, the focus on the constant categorization of beneficiaries by Greek and European authorities affects State policies and fieldwork daily, shaping the views of the displaced persons about themselves, their relationship to authorities, and the local community. The present research finds that in Greece the nature of services offered is temporary, without any policies for the future, even though participants acknowledge that migration flows towards Europe through Greece will only increase in the future.The lack of integration policies results in further reinforcing the role of Greece as a country-intermediary stop for displaced persons coming to Europe, offering few incentives for displaced persons to stay; in successful cases of integration, neighborhood communities have been critical in covering systemic deficiencies.

Committee: Susana Peña Dr. (Advisor); Erin Felicia Labbie Dr. (Other); Yiorgos Anagnostou Dr. (Committee Member); Radhika Gajjala Dr. (Committee Member); Michaela Walsh Dr. (Committee Member) Subjects: American Studies; Cultural Anthropology; Ethnic Studies; European Studies; Social Research; Social Work

MA, University of Cincinnati, 2020, Arts and Sciences: Communication

The purpose of this study was to examine how adult transracial adoptees narrate their experiences with adoption as racial and ethnic minorities. Transracial adoption is classified as an adoption in which the adoptive parent(s) and child(ren) are of different races. This racial difference can complicate the identity development of the transracial adoptee. Personal stories about adoption experiences can provide insight into these complications from the perspective of the adoptee. In this research, 11 personal narratives written by transracial adoptees were analyzed through the lens of Gloria Anzaldua's borderlands and nepantla theories. Narrative analysis was used to examine structure and themes within the stories. Three themes emerged, indicating that transracial adoption is a complex process that often leaves adoptees feeling stuck between two worlds: their adoptive family's race and their birth race.

Committee: John Lynch Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Ronald Jackson II Ph.D. (Committee Member); Heather Zoller Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2019, History

This thesis places the Iraq War and its aftermath (2003-2014) within the framework of borderlands scholarship. The interdisciplinary approach used in this work makes new connections between borderlands history, particularly in the context of North America, and places it within the context of the modern Middle East. By expanding upon abstract notions ofpower in the frontier, this work explores the different perspectives, experiences, and goals of Iraq's tribal community in al-Anbar Province, the U.S.-led Coalition, and al-Qaʿida in Iraq and its successor organizations to argue that these groups failed to fill the vacuum of authority thatemerged in Iraq after 2003 with their own respective visions for the country's future. This workutilizes Richard Whites concept of “the middle ground” to explore how these groups negotiatedand competed with one another for hegemony, creating the political realities of post-2003 Iraq.

Committee: Matthew Gordon (Advisor); Nathan French (Committee Member); Amanda McVety (Committee Member); Andrew Offenburger (Committee Member) Subjects: History; Middle Eastern History

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2016, History

This dissertation places state lawmaking and local enforcement at the center of its analysis of the U.S. drug wars by exposing California's efforts to reduce the traffic in illicit substances during the first two decades of the postwar era. In contrast with existing work that sees drug enforcement as federally directed, this research reveals that state and local initiatives drove attitudes and action on illegal drugs. The California drug-control experience in the postwar era shows that the drug wars were locally escalated through grassroots campaigns, overzealous law enforcement, and political jockeying to solve the problem of increasing illicit drug use. Beginning just after World War II, law enforcement agencies and the mass media in the greater Los Angeles area encouraged widespread panic over heroin and marijuana smuggled from Mexico. Federal agencies fueled this concern during congressional hearings on organized crime, which connected the "narcotics menace" to the mafia and communism, birthing local crime commissions focused on drugs and juvenile delinquency. Police Chief William H. Parker engineered a brutal narcotics enforcement regime that targeted minority neighborhoods and violated the constitutional rights of drug defendants in defiance of court rulings, suggesting Los Angeles as a western site of massive resistance. Californians interrogated the relationships between federal, state, and local enforcement arms, whose leaders often disagreed and failed to cooperate. Increasingly politicized, drug control became a major issue in the 1962 governor's race, with Republican Richard Nixon pressing for harsh penalties and Democrat Pat Brown seeking to protect the rights of drug defendants and replace prison time with rehab. California's critique of the federal drug-control regime was widely publicized and convinced President John F. Kennedy to reorganize federal agencies tasked with combatting drugs. California exercised an early and deep influence over the cours (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: David Stebenne (Advisor); Paula Baker (Committee Member); David Steigerwald (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; American Studies; History; International Relations; Mass Media; Public Policy

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2015, Spanish and Portuguese

The heroic narratives appearing in U.S. popular culture have been traditionally dominated by Anglo characters, with limited spaces for the representation of ethnic minorities. When they do appear in these narratives, ethnic minorities typically occupy the roles of subservient sidekicks or stereotyped villains—whose main functions, respectively, are to aid the Anglo hero in his pursuits and to serve as cannon fodder in order to highlight his superiority. While few in number, the presence of ethnic minority heroes in popular culture narratives becomes important for examining and understanding the limitations and possibilities of positive portrayals by and about members of historically marginalized communities in the United States. Inventing the Latino/a Hero explores the historical representation of U.S. Latino/a heroic figures and heroism discourses in film, television, and comics. This study concentrates on hero narratives that directly explore, interrogate, or wrestled with the issue of legality, which is central to the construction of Latino/a heroes and their narratives' relationship with ideology and power relations. In this regard, I contend that Latino/a heroes either challenge the dominant, often oppressive system of U.S. law as they seek justice for their communities outside the legal apparatus; or operate as normative heroes who uphold and defend the U.S. legal establishment, obtaining their heroic status from such nationalist endeavors. The nature of the hero's relationship with legality has a profound impact on the way the hero is constructed and the type of ideology supported by the narrative. As a framework for studying these texts, I employ theoretical and analytical tools from narratology and social semiotics that address the way heroic narratives engage with ideology through their plots, character construction, and imagery. Using these tools, I show that Latino/a heroes tend to be represented along a spectrum from resistance to Anglo dominatio (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Ignacio Corona (Advisor); Frederick Aldama (Committee Member); Guisela Latorre (Committee Member); Laura Podalsky (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; American Studies; Ethnic Studies; Hispanic American Studies; Hispanic Americans; Latin American Studies; Mass Media

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2015, History

From 1794 to 1825, a distinct transnational community developed along the American-Canadian border around Lake Erie that matured first through social contact and strengthened with trade. Nationality mattered little, as people of various backgrounds developed unique relationships in a shared border space that existed on the frontier of many societies. The strong social ties strained under the threat of war in 1812, and suffered extensively through a retaliatory conflict along border spaces. Broken kinships followed bifurcated loyalties in the years following the war, leading to a dramatic decline in cross-border interaction. As friends and families broke apart, the fur trade kept transnational contact alive, but only for as long as there were animals to hunt. The development of the Erie Canal in 1825 and the decline of valuable game led to the exodus of major trade groups and the overall collapse of this Lake Erie World.

Committee: Andrew Cayton (Advisor); Kevin Armitage (Committee Member); Amanda McVety (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; Canadian History

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2013, American Culture Studies/Ethnic Studies

Latinos are transforming the religious landscape of the United States, especially the Catholic Church, due to their rising numbers and distinct forms of religiosity. However, this browning of the Catholic Church has not translated into an enhanced ecclesial leadership infrastructure. Perhaps one exception to this pattern has been the emergence of Latino permanent deacons, a relatively unfamiliar story in the life of the U.S. Catholic Church today. This dissertation seeks to examine and develop the border narratives of a group of Latino permanent deacons from the Toledo, Ohio and Cleveland, Ohio dioceses who trace their family histories to Texas, Puerto Rico, and Mexico. Their stories encompass a complex interweaving of ethnicity, gender, migration, and religion that reveal paradoxical lives across and between structural (socioeconomic/political), discursive (racial, gender/sexual, and religious), and geopolitical boundaries that help advance a Midwestern borderlands framework. The lack of a border narrative in the heartland is consistent with a lack of insufficient research on the Midwestern Latino experience. The participants in this study were examined using qualitative research methods grounded within a feminist borderlands paradigm, and data collection involved semi-structured interviews with and observations of each participating deacon. Additionally, archival materials were examined and utilized to trace the historical development of a Midwestern borderlands Catholicism in the Cleveland Diocese and Toledo Diocese.

Committee: Susana Peña Dr. (Advisor); Madeline Duntley Dr. (Committee Member); Vikki Krane Dr. (Committee Member); Pablo Mitchell Dr. (Committee Member) Subjects: American Studies

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2013, History

This thesis examines the historical significance of Molly Brant, a Mohawk clan mother, in the late eighteenth century. Brant was famous for helping maintain the Covenant Chain alliance between the Six Nations and the British Empire in the Revolutionary War. Scholars, however, often misrepresent Brant as an important figure because she was an exceptional example of Iroquois women due to unique elements of her life such as her partnership with Sir William Johnson, the British Indian Superintendent. To better understand the actions of Molly Brant, her life needs to be placed within the imperial world of relationships in Iroquoia, the Six Nations homeland. The foundations of Iroquoian society were personal relationships among Iroquois peoples as well as intercultural interactions with British colonists dictated by Iroquois women. This thesis asserts that Molly Brant was an important historical figure because she exemplifies the power and significance of the various relationships in Iroquoia.

Committee: Andrew Cayton Dr. (Advisor); Amanda McVety Dr. (Committee Member); Leighton Peterson Dr. (Committee Member) Subjects: History

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2007, History

Texas participated in the bracero program until 1943, when the Mexican government instituted a labor embargo against the state because of numerous reports of racial discrimination there. For the next several years, Texas officials worked to convince Mexican leaders to rescind the embargo through a wide variety of policies including investigating cases of discrimination, reforming aspects of the state education system, negotiating directly with Mexican officials, enlisting the cooperation of the U.S. federal government, and working to improve the image of Texas among the Mexican public. Texas created new government bureaucracies to coordinate these efforts, including the Inter-Agency Committee, the Council on Human Relations, and most importantly, the Good Neighbor Commission. Collectively, these efforts represent a striking effort by Texas leaders and private citizens to influence the foreign policy between their state, and sometimes their individual community, and the Mexican government. Despite these efforts, the embargo dragged on for years. This dissertation argues that the slow resolution of the labor embargo was due less to the intransigence of the Mexican government than to the inability of Texas leaders to effect the kinds of changes within Texas society, such as passing legislation to punish acts of discrimination, which would have convinced the Mexican government that their embargo was no longer necessary. First, the existence of the Jim Crow system in Texas was a constant brake on the nature of programs that could be considered by Texas. Texans were also quite conservative. Their view of government's appropriate role in society left them with the feeling that educating, investigating, and persuading marked the extent of their reach. Other key lessons to be drawn from this study include the intractable nature of illegal immigration across the U.S.-Mexican border. This study also reveals something about how the Truman administration approached foreign relat (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Peter Hahn (Advisor) Subjects:

BA, Oberlin College, 2010, Latin American Studies

Through the lenses of technology and gender I offer a new perspective on the employment and utilization of corrido tropes throughout history and in modern culture. Technology has expanded the transnational gaze, not only increasing the sheer number of listeners but also incorporating a visual element to the (narco)corridos. The enlarged and geographically diversified community of listeners coupled with visual elements only strengthens the tropes evident since the earliest corridos. Gender is markedly absent in the literature that discusses corridos, but its presence in the tradition has a strong influence on the Mexican mask. The ways in which gender is constructed vis-a-vis the archetypes of women in corridos has real world implications for the daily-lived experiences of Mexican women. The advent of YouTube has changed the way corridos can be viewed. Through photographs taken from the real world or reenactments of the corridos by members of the listening community, the mask becomes nearly indistinguishable from the truth. In this way, it becomes clear that not only are masks being verbally employed, but also the community of listeners is actively engaging and reifying the tropes designated to the mask. The images of the Mexican man and Mexican woman become more than just imaginations, they are given faces.

Committee: Pablo Mitchell (Advisor); Steven Volk (Committee Chair); Christopher Rivera (Committee Member) Subjects: Latin American Literature

Artium Baccalaureus (AB), Ohio University, 2013, English

In 1848, when the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo allocated half of Mexico to the United States, thousands of Mexicans suddenly found themselves displaced and living in a new country. Because culture, language, and identity all had to be reconstructed, this created a distinct shift in the literature that came out of the Chicano/a community. I examine two such works of literature: Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza and Places Left Unfinished at the Time of Creation by Gloria Anzaldua and John Phillip Santos, respectively, specifically how each work deals with the concepts of borders and memories, code-switching, and exile. Using a lens of internal colonialism, I explore the interrelation among these ideas and how their combination constitutes a small reflection of Chicano/as today. In essence, I argue that Anzaldua and Santos represent internal colonialism as temporal, both in the sense that it is connected across time to the past, present, and future and that it is a temporary condition for those who live in the United States. Although internal colonialism typically acts as tool of oppression, using a long-term focus, both authors represent it as a means to empowerment as well.

Committee: Kevin Haworth (Advisor) Subjects: Latin American Literature