Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2007, Graduate School

Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects:

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 1965, Graduate School

Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects:

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2024, Dance Studies

This dissertation examines the dance studio and its built environment, exploring the dynamic relationship between dance and space. The focal point is the concept of the dance studio, analyzed through the urban landscapes and the experimental art practices in the city of Zagreb from the 1950s to the 2010s. The study investigates the dance studio through the histories of spatial structures, dance history, and the history of cinema. Shaped by these processes, dance is specifically entangled with spatial structures and is expanded by their horizons, outcomes, and histories. The dance studio here is a hypothesis built in the process—a space that exists at the intersection of context and time, with dance emerging as an archival record embedded in spatial and societal change. The dissertation argues that this very process constitutes the dance studio's structure: a space, practice, and environment made possible—reimagined, shaped, and hypothesized through the lens of dance and its experimental inquiry. The study approaches the dance studio from the vantage point of the long contemporaneity, extending across both modernism and postmodernism while facilitating the juxtaposition and productive friction of these terms. The city of Zagreb is approached as a dynamic multitude, encompassing a range of developments in the socialist and post-socialist periods that influenced, challenged, and shaped art, dance artists, and their spaces between 1949 and 2010.

Committee: Harmony Bench (Committee Chair); Hannah Kosstrin (Committee Member); Philip Armstrong (Committee Member) Subjects: Architecture; Art History; Dance; East European Studies; European History; European Studies; Film Studies; Modern History; Performing Arts; Philosophy; Slavic Studies; Theater Studies

Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2021, History

In this thesis, I will explore the three main roles that women played in the Yugoslav Wars of 1991-2001: perpetrator, bystander, and victim. Through examining these roles, I hope to draw an equal amount of attention to each of these roles and add new insight to current scholarly discourse on this subject. Furthermore, examining women in Yugoslavia will also reveal how gender influences modern conflicts, especially regarding sexual violence and the justice system. The purpose of this study is to demonstrate that women, whether perpetrators, bystanders, or victims, experienced the war differently from men because of gender norms, because women were symbols of the nation, and because the identity of womanhood and their physical differences made them especially vulnerable to sexual violence. Furthermore, the Yugoslav Wars served as a turning point for understanding and prosecution of wartime rape, with the international community finally recognizing it as an intentional, organized strategy and as a crime against humanity. After examining primary documents from the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, reading first-person accounts, listening to interviews from witnesses and participants, and consulting a wide variety of secondary and tertiary sources, I hope this project will prove useful not only to researchers hoping to better understand the Yugoslav Wars, but also those seeking to understand the gender dynamics of conflict and the crucial role of identity politics in modern warfare.

Committee: Steven Miner Dr. (Advisor); Miriam Shadis Dr. (Advisor) Subjects: European Studies; History; Political Science

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2018, Women's, Gender and Sexuality Studies

Narratives of Albanian women activists involved in different forms of local, national as well as regional activism have continuously been excluded from official historical accounts in Kosova. This thesis, by focusing on the oral histories of 10 women activists, contributes to a deeper understanding of women's subjectivities, who in one way or another were engaged in the social and political processes in Kosova. Drawing from memory studies, oral history, and local feminist research in Kosova, I analyze how the life stories of these women intersect with broader events that characterize the history of the second half of the 20th century in Kosova. I particularly trace the ways how these women construct their subjectivity and civic engagement as women's rights activists in relation to nationalist movements, civil as well as armed resistance against the regime of Milosevic, war-time experience, and post-war period in Kosova. In this regard, I pay attention to forms of counter-memories that their life stories enact, which oppose both male-dominated historical accounts in post-war Kosova and the pejorative Serbian media discourse about Albanian women in the former Yugoslavia.

Committee: JIll Bystydzienski Ph.D (Advisor) Subjects: Gender Studies; History; Sociology; Womens Studies

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2017, Women's, Gender and Sexuality Studies

My dissertation examines the historic links between the anti-war activists in Serbia with the current efforts and work for LGBT justice and rights. As an interdisciplinary scholar, my work integrates a variety of epistemologies across disciplines by putting anti-war and LGBT activists experience in Serbia into conversation with one another to address unique vulnerabilities. Drawing from transnational feminist and queer critiques of governance, (homo)nationalism, and transnational sexuality studies, I consider how new non-heterosexual identity politics—with roots in anti-war activism—have surfaced in Serbia since the Kosovo War. I argue that it is at the intersection of anti-war and LGBT organizing that new and conflicting identity politics have emerged, in part as a reaction to a pro-war hyper-nationalism and neoliberal globalization.

Committee: Jennifer Suchland PhD (Advisor); Shannon Winnubst PhD (Committee Member); Christine Keating PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: East European Studies; European History; European Studies; Gender; Gender Studies; Philosophy; Political Science; Public Policy; Slavic Studies; Social Research

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1984, Graduate School

Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects: Literature

MARCH, University of Cincinnati, 2013, Design, Architecture, Art and Planning: Architecture

Overpowering the city of Niksic, Montenegro, is a structure, perhaps no longer interesting in its form, but definitely in its purpose and meaning. It is the Home of Revolution, an edifice conceptualized to arise emotions of awe, to acknowledge the horrifying period of struggle against Fascism and Nazism, to showcase architectural wisdom and ambition of the Yugoslav dream and to be the center of arts and culture. According to this alien, brutalist object, the city of Niksic, and largely the republic of Montenegro would be recognized upon the Yugoslavian, and wider European stage. Home of the Revolution was supposed to be the biggest and most grandiose of all World War II Spomeniks or monuments that the federal government of Yugoslavia sponsored since the development of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. However, unlike the thousands of primarily sculptural WWII monuments across the nation, this particular monument was to house a complete cultural program and function. Yet, no one had anticipated the unraveling political events that initiated with Tito's passing in 1980. In place of a people's collective revolution, came the antibureaucratic revolution with deep economic and political crisis that slowly led to a complete suspension of the project. Since then, the Home of Revolution has been patiently awaiting its fate, abandoned, violated and decaying for the past 25 years. Proposed is a fictional projection of events which depict transitional psychological stages of society, society whose mentality evolves into a rising state of acceptance where the monument becomes part of the everyday life, part of a society which no longer feels anger or shame towards its past. The cultural shifts are directly reflected upon architecture and layered through time as a direct opposition to the past ideology's single-handed imposition of an architectural style which was irrelative toward the existing culture and context. Thus, the site, through the acts of the p (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Michael McInturf M.Arch. (Committee Chair); Aarati Kanekar Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Architecture

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2006, Political Science

New States universally seek the recognition of their peers. Indeed, a critical mass of external recognition is required for full membership in the international community of States. Statesmen however, often disagree about what constitutes a legitimate claim to Statehood. In this project, I argue that the international legal criteria for recognition are rarely adhered to in practice. Instead, States often accept new members into their ranks based upon parochial political considerations. I use large N, quantitative analysis and comparative case studies to test my hypotheses regarding the determinants and dynamics of external recognition.

Committee: Richard Herrmann (Advisor) Subjects:

Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2006, Telecommunications (Communication)

During the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) over 250,000 people were killed, and countless others were injured and lost loved ones. Almost half of the B&H population was forced from their homes. The ethnic map of the country was changed drastically and overall damage was estimated at US $100 billion. Experts agree that misuse of the media was largely responsible for the events that triggered the war and kept it going despite all attempts at peace. This study examines and follows the efforts of the international community to regulate the broadcast media environment in postwar B One of the greatest challenges for the international community in B&H was the elimination of hate language in the media. There was constant resistance from the local ethnocentric political parties in the establishment of the independent media regulatory body and implementation of new standards. The lack of a democratic heritage and the complex mix of cultures compounded the challenges facing the international community. This study uses internal documents, decisions and laws imposed by the OHR, first hand reports and communication from international experts who were involved in the establishment of the IMC and CRA. Evidence suggests the IMC was successful in the establishment of the fundamental principles for media regulation where previously no consistent principles existed. The IMC was also successful in licensing media outlets and in its transition to the CRA. The CRA achieved its goals of establishing the cooperation of broadcasters and the public. The CRA made significant progress in the protection of copyrights and creating a solid base for the development of a fair and competitive media environment. As a result, hate language has nearly vanished from the B&H media, although there still remains work to be done. Several questions remain, however. There needs to be a better understanding of the failure of the OBN to involve the B&H media experts in developing solutions to the med (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Gregory Newton (Advisor) Subjects:

Doctor of Philosophy, Miami University, 2011, Political Science

This study analyzes the foreign policy of the European Union during the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s. This series of crises coincided with the European Union's creation of formal mechanisms so it could harmonize and create foreign policy positions between its member-states. I study the EU's involvement in three specific crises during this period: the secession crisis of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, the Bosnian War of 1994 – 95, and the Kosovo War of 1999. The focus here is the process of foreign policy decision-making within the EU. The conceptual framework employed is the “ultimate decision unit” proposed by Margaret Hermann and Charles Hermann, specifically their third decision unit composed of multiple autonomous actors (MAA). Government decisions resulting from the MAA unit are the products of negotiations between separate and autonomous individuals, groups, and coalitions in a system in which no single actor can force compliance on the others and no overarching authoritative body exists. EU foreign policy decisions are indeed the result of such negotiations between autonomous or sovereign actors thus justifying the use of the MAA model. Although the MAA model is proposed for studying national foreign policy making, my dissertation demonstrates how EU decision-making during the Yugoslav wars fits the same pattern of decision-making depicted in the MAA model. Thus I conclude that EU foreign policy can be studied using some models of foreign policy analysis. Regarding the process of EU foreign policy making, I conclude that where there is greater initial agreement among the members of the EU's ultimate decision unit about the EU's proper role in a particular event and where there is agreement about the attendant behaviors for that role, the EU will be more successful in articulating and implementing a common foreign policy. Where there is less initial agreement among the decision-actors about the EU's role and behavior, the less successful the European Union will b (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Laura Neack PhD (Committee Chair); Patrick Haney PhD (Committee Member); William Hazleton PhD (Committee Member); Sheldon Anderson PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: European Studies; International Relations; Political Science

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2004, English

I've always been fascinated by the arabesques behind daily life: the interconnectedness of all living things, the patterns they arrange around themselves, the rhythms at play between them. And I don't really get intoxicated all that often. The tracings of these rhythms can be found in all great art, though they're easier to see in belly dances, Irish gravestones, and the Chinese knots guarding the Heaven Temple walls. They're in the telling of a good story. I've worked to that end in this collection, with various approaches—different narrative styles, points of view, and effects—and, as a matter of course, with varying degrees of success.

Committee: Susan Sloan (Advisor) Subjects: Literature, English

BA, Kent State University, 2011, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of Political Science

In my thesis I undertake a comparative analysis of two recent secessions, one in the Balkans and the other in the North Caucasus. Specifically, I examine the events of the year 2008 and proclamations of independence by two regions: first by Kosovo in February and then by South Ossetia in August. The thesis also analyzes the precursors for the creation of secession movements, as well as the events of the last decade of the 20-th century. The central finding of this thesis is that the widely-claimed "sui-generis" argument is hardly applicable to Kosovo, as this region lacks uniqeness in many key aspects.

Committee: Victor Papacosma Dr. (Advisor); Andrew Barnes Dr. (Advisor); Mary Ann Haley Dr. (Committee Member); Susan Roxburgh Dr. (Committee Member) Subjects: International Relations

MA, Kent State University, 2010, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of History

The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the dynamics of the intellectual debate among Yugoslav communists over the ideology of Marxism during the decade 1965-75. This thesis argues that the Praxis School, a group of dissident, communist intellectuals that founded the journal Praxis in 1964, and the week-long student protest in the capital Belgrade (June 1968) are significant in twentieth-century Yugoslav history because both movements ascribed to humanist Marxism, which posed the first concerted, continuous ideological challenge to Tito's postwar socialist vision. Resting at the crossroads of intellectual, cultural, and political history, this thesis presents three synchronous perspectives of the sociopolitical discourse surrounding the debate over Marxist ideology in Yugoslavia, 1964-1975. This study examines articles from Praxis, published and oral interviews with Praxis authors, the speeches of President Josip Broz Tito and the Party ideologue, Edvard Kardelj, and memoirs, songs, chants, and communiques from the student protest to trace the ideological exchange during the decade 1964-75 among the Praxis School, the student protesters in Belgrade, and the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. The Praxis School's humanist Marxist critique and the student protests in 1968 during this decade were evidence of a growing reflexive discourse in the civil sphere over the trajectory of socialism in Yugoslavia. This thesis posits that after the student protests in June 1968 the League of Communists of Yugoslavia made a concerted effort to exclude humanist Marxist discourse to reestablish its hegemonic control over communist ideology and the political trajectory of the state.

Committee: Richard Steigmann-Gall PhD (Advisor); Rebecca Pulju PhD (Committee Member); Susan Roxburgh PhD (Committee Member); Janet Klein PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: History; Social Research

MA, Kent State University, 2009, College of Arts and Sciences / Department of History

A Serbian-dominated monarchy controlled the Kingdom of Yugoslavia after the Great War. To a certain extent, the monarchy was oppressive and unfavorable towards communism, as was often the case in the interwar period. During the escalation of World War II, the German war machine pressed surrounding states in a retributive fashion and extended its tentacles. States fell to the might of their collective enemy. As the panzer divisions brought lightning to the nations, initial resistance in occupied territories was scant, save for Yugoslavia, where defiant and opposing factions, General Draza Mihailovic's monarchic Nationalists and Josip Broz's communist Partisans, sought to rid themselves of the Germans—and each other. Allied resistance to the Axis became necessary. American President Franklin Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill opted to capitalize on the resistance and lend support. Initially, the Allies supported both factions against the Axis occupiers but the Nationalists sought the preservation of King Peter II, by then exiled to England; the Partisans desired to usurp power and there was the fear by the Western Allies that Yugoslavia would be taken over by communists. The divided country would be in a state of disarray. As the war trudged on, the Allies eventually withdrew support for Mihailovic and backed only Tito for a variety of reasons. After the war, Allied notables regretted this decision. There is ample evidence showing that this decision was incorrect and that regret was justified. This thesis discusses the background of the conditions in Yugoslavia and the facts surrounding the Allied decision to permanently downgrade Mihailovic, paving the way for communist rule in post-war Yugoslavia. Especially, it will focus on the policy of the British under Churchill and Roosevelt's knowledge of the circumstances, which culminated in the dismissal of General Mihailovic.

Committee: Solon Victor Papacosma Ph.D. (Advisor); Kevin Adams Ph.D. (Committee Member); Mary Ann Heiss Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: European History

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2012, Media and Communication

This dissertation carries out a multi-level analysis of how media reports establish durable narratives of war in both journalism and scholarship, illustrating a multi-dimensional process of the weaponization of media. It draws on a case study of NATO's attack on Yugoslavia in 1999, examining both news coverage and scholarly accounts, and with reference to relevant historical, institutional, economic and political contexts. The author conducts a grounded theory analysis of 1058 news articles appearing in the Associated Press, New York Times, and The Times (of London) surrounding the pivotal events of NATO's military intervention in Kosovo. The ways in which these selected media represent the events and the relationship between their dominant narrative themes and the contexts in which the events occurred, is further examined, comparatively, by means of grounded theory analysis of how 4 major scholarly treatises craft an understanding of NATO intervention in Kosovo. Based on these analyses, this research argues that (a) media content foregrounds (and in various ways privileges) the frames, sources and narratives that correspond with the interests of NATO that drive military intervention and (b) these media narratives exercise a lingering influence on long-term conceptualizations of conflict and have the capacity to shape the contours of cultural memory for years to come. Emerging from this inquiry – which situates the interrelationships between media, power and military conflict within the context of political and economic environment – is the theory of a weaponization of media that moves beyond the scope of existing propaganda theories (and, in the context of propaganda, agenda-setting and framing theories) that explains to what end propaganda works and the ways in which the media system capacitates and enhances processes of propaganda.

Committee: Oliver Boyd-Barrett (Committee Chair); Lynda Dixon (Committee Member); Lara Lengel (Committee Member); Scott Magelssen (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Journalism; Mass Communications; Mass Media

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2008, History

This historical investigation of United States-Yugoslav relations during the last two decades of Josip Broz Tito's thirty-five-year presidency makes a contribution to understanding the formation and execution of American policy toward Yugoslavia. An examination of the Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, Ford, and Carter Administrations dealings with a nonaligned and socialist Yugoslavia shows that the United States during the height of the Cold War could maintain good relations with a Communist state to uphold a wedge in the Soviet Bloc and to preserve regional geo-strategic balance.The Yugoslav communists managed to deal imaginatively and successfully with the shifts in the focus of American policy from Kennedy's "Grand Design," Johnson's "building bridges" appeal, Nixon's personal diplomacy, to Carter's focus on the human rights. Despite its domestic problems that involved political infighting and purges, experimentations with the market economy, and the resurgence of nationalism, Yugoslavia pursued a surprisingly independent foreign policy and maintained leadership of the international nonaligned movement that created a competing ideology to challenge the established spheres of influence of the two superpowers. The study juxtaposes the importance of the role of American ambassadors in creating and maintaining bilateral relations against the importance of the high-level visits - by presidents, secretaries of state, and foreign ministers - and asserts that ambassadorial diplomacy was crucial in maintaining steady bilateral relations.

Committee: Gary R. Hess PhD (Advisor); Neal Jesse PhD (Committee Member); Beth A. Griech-Pollele PhD (Committee Member); Douglas J. Forsyth PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; History; International Relations