Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2015, History

Although it is universally acknowledged that Islam was one of the pillars of the Ottoman Empire, modern scholars have placed little emphasis on Muslim scholars or the contested interpretations of sacred law (shari'a) in describing the empire's political dynamics. In the early nineteenth century, however, both played a significant role in the debates that pervaded the empire and its provinces, especially those surrounding European-inspired military reform. Indeed, although often studied without regard for the Ottoman context, the case of early nineteenth-century Egypt exemplifies many of these trends. After the withdrawal of Napoleonic forces from Egypt in 1801, a series of Ottoman governors sought to impose a local analog to the reforms known as the nizam-i cedid (new order), spearheaded in Istanbul by Sultan Selim III. Due partly to the opposition of many Muslim scholars (ulama), these efforts lacked legitimacy and fell victim to a popular uprising in 1805, led by scholars such as Umar Makram. Rather than advocating a rejection of Ottoman rule by native Egyptians, the protestors acted on Ottoman religio-political ideology and opposed the ostensibly arbitrary rule of the reformists, for reasons similar to those of the rebels who overthrew Selim III in 1807. Many believed that the next governor, Mehmed Ali (governor of Egypt, 1805-1848), would govern in a more limited and just fashion, but Mehmed Ali's regime was much more radical and invasive than any before. He succeeded in defanging public opinion by turning elite scholars against populist ones, particularly Umar Makram, a man of obscure background who had become the head of the Prophet's descendants in Egypt (naqib al-ashraf). Imposing military reform and peasant conscription, Mehmed Ali depended on sympathetic scholars to woo public opinion, which they did through manuscript chronicles and treatises; these treatises, written according to the logic of Islamic scholarship, attempted to convince a skeptical public (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Jane Hathaway (Advisor); Carter Findley (Committee Member); Scott Levi (Committee Member) Subjects: History; Islamic Studies

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2007, History

Proliferation of popular newspapers during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 transformed the boundaries of public debate in Russia. Circulation of these papers brought the people into close contact with each other as well as the outer world. Printing and the press had a parallel effect on the Fin de Siecle Ottoman public sphere. Newspapers of the Sublime Porte utilized defeats against Russia to juxtapose the Sultan's cult as the sole symbol of unity with a nationalist one. “Wartime Propaganda and the Legacies of Defeat” is a comparative study of the two major newspapers – Basiret and Golos – during this period. I examine the major commonalities between these papers. My primary purpose is to shed light on the Turkish Popular Press, which weighed in on the issues of nationalism, defeat and political campaigning just as its Russian counterparts did.

Committee: STEPHEN NORRIS (Advisor) Subjects: History, Modern

PHD, Kent State University, 2020, College of Education, Health and Human Services / School of Foundations, Leadership and Administration

The purpose of this humanities-based study is to evaluate how the American public broadcasting system has traditionally served children, how it currently fulfills that role, and finally to propose a new approach to children's public broadcasting that is more democratic and attentive to children's interests. American broadcasting developed as a series of compromises amongst ideologically-opposed voters and organizations. Further, public broadcasters are reliant on private donors, thus diluting the democratic quality of their programming. The author argues that this paradigm violates children's rights. The unsatisfied adult consumer of public broadcasting has political recourse by which they can attempt to influence regulations that affect public broadcasting. Children lack such political agency, so extra care must be taken to protect their interests; public content generated for them should be as free of market influence as possible, until they gain the agency to decide for themselves their thoughts on the interplay of public and private goods. The current public broadcasting paradigm does not evidently or obviously seek out children's thoughts on the programming provided for them. The author argues that by allowing children a more direct voice in the shaping of programming created for them, public broadcasters may both serve their traditional, recognized function better by empirically demonstrating that their content matches their publics' interests while also helping to ensure that children's right to speak is being respected.

Committee: Natasha Levinson PhD. (Advisor); William Kist PhD. (Committee Member); Quentin Wheeler-Bell PhD. (Committee Member) Subjects: Education; Education History; Education Philosophy; Mass Communications; Mass Media; Physical Education

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2014, Germanic Languages and Literatures

Section One of the dissertation explicates the post-secular philosophical discourse between Jurgen Habermas and Charles Taylor, while Section Two analyzes contemporary German and American novels in which religious fundamentalism figures prominently. The genesis of Habermas' reflections on religion is shown within his overall philosophy, and is then compared and contrasted with Taylor's viewpoints. Their respective concepts of “translation” and “articulation” are extrapolated in an effort to highlight deficiencies in widely-held notions of the secular. The literary analysis of Fatah, Peters and Updike examines the way in which the authors aesthetically depict the dynamics of a religious-secular divide, thereby enhancing critical reflection on understandings of religion, secularism and their presumed or apparent dichotomy. Both the philosophical and literary discourses are guided by the fundamental question of how normativity arises-both within the individual subject and in social collectives.

Committee: Bernd Fischer (Advisor); May Mergenthaler (Committee Member); Robert Holub (Committee Member) Subjects: American Literature; Germanic Literature; Literature; Philosophy

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2013, Media and Communication

Copyright is in theory a neutral legal instrument, but in practice copyright functions as an ideological tool. The value of creative content in culture vacillates between the rhetorical poles of progress and profit within copyright law. This study is an ideographic rhetorical critique of copyright. Ideographs are rhetorical containers of ideology that publics use to define various aspects of culture. Some ideographs are contained within the dialogue of a topic. I argue five terms that make up the ideographic grammar of copyright: public domain, fair use, authorship, ownership, and piracy. The public domain is the space where copyrighted material enters when the term of protection expires. The public domain expresses the ideology that creative material belongs to the people who consume content. Fair use is the free speech exception to copyright law that allows for certain types of infringement. Fair Use is the ideology in which the use of creative work belonging to others must be fairly represented. Authorship is how an author creates content and how an audience consumes it. Authorship is an ideology focused on progress towards the process of creating content as motivated by an author. The question at the center of authorship is who controls content: the author or the public. Ownership takes the question of authorship one-step further by invoking material property. Ownership is the embodiment of the idea that management, control, and profit of copyright are more valuable than original creation. The Corporate Public is focused on ownership of content, because ownership is a legal condition of property where a person or group can profit. Piracy, which appears most often in any discussion of copyright law, is an intentional theft of copyrighted work(s). Piracy is a battleground between content theft and the people who publicly resist copyright.

Committee: Michael Butterworth Ph.D (Advisor); Victoria Ekstrand Ph.D (Committee Member); Joshua Atkinson Ph.D (Committee Member); Kristen Rudisill Ph.D (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Law; Rhetoric

MARCH, University of Cincinnati, 2005, Design, Architecture, Art and Planning : Architecture (Master of)

Public architecture that frames civic space, enlivens political debate, and embodies democratic ideals is the focus of this thesis. In the United States, civic architecture historically sought to express the purposes and ideals of the new institutions of a representative democracy. Civic architecture further shaped and bounded the civic sphere of public discourse. The decline of the public realm in the nineteenth century has, by extension, resulted in a decline of the civic realm. This thesis investigates how civic architecture can best reflect and embody, represent and nurture, a civil society appropriate to a twenty-first century representative democracy, while seeking to frame a contemporary civic realm. The analysis continues to the symbolic and spatial evocations of civil society ideals within American architecture, and an investigation into the changing concepts of civic architecture. Finally, the design project seeks to express and realize such civil society ideals through an urban design project for the public square of Mansfield, Ohio, and the design of a new county courthouse.

Committee: Gordon Simmons (Advisor) Subjects: Architecture

Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2011, Political Science

Connecting democratic theory and geography, this thesis argues that public art can play a unique role in facilitating democratic inclusion and communication. It analyzes the ways that formal and informal art in the context of public space can be used as a means for improving access to the public sphere; for communicating across differences; and for consolidating or disrupting control, power relations, and exclusions. It concludes with a case study of public art found around the Station North neighborhood of Baltimore and its socio-political implications.

Committee: Julie White PhD (Advisor) Subjects: Geography; Political Science

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2012, Journalism (Communication)

Professional daily journalism is contracting nationwide as metro newspapers withdraw from their suburbs, reduce zoned editions, and even cut back from printing seven days a week. Smaller dailies and community newspapers also are downsizing and closing their doors. Neither broadcast television nor radio nor Web start-ups have replaced the displaced journalism, creating what the Federal Communications Commission calls a ¿¿¿¿¿¿¿media deficit¿¿¿¿¿¿¿ in many communities. This dissertation seeks to explore what this trend means for public affairs information entering the public sphere by examining two live news environments, one with a daily newspaper (Wood County, Ohio) and one where a newspaper had closed (Geauga County, Ohio). Methods used were textual analysis of media texts and audience contributions including those associated with print reports, television, social media, and start-up Websites. In-depth interviews were conducted with journalists, citizens, and public officials. A survey polled opinion leaders in both counties about their assessment and use of the media in their areas. Two focus groups were conducted. Overall, this study found that daily professional journalism makes a significant difference not just in the amount of public affairs information available to a community, but also in the amount and type of conversations that take place in the digital world. In the community without daily professional journalism, residents were forced to craft their own news feeds through cobbling together social media, digital, and the less regular print reports from weekly news operations and those outside the county. The implications for representative democracy in the face of a daily professional journalism in retreat are clear: If the U.S. system is to thrive, more resources, at the community level, must be marshaled to support journalism. Further, the citizens will have to become increasingly sophisticated in understanding the type of content they are consuming to i (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Michael Sweeney PhD (Committee Chair); David Mould PhD (Committee Member); Aimee Edmondson PhD (Committee Member); Katherine Jellison PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: Journalism

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2023, Political Science

Politics take shape in communications. As communication technologies have evolved, and taken on new forms online, so too have politics. Social media platforms and the algorithms that govern them, contribute to the evolution of communication and mass politics. These new technologies also offer a trove of text, network, sensor, and metadata that can advance political methodologies for studying communications and how politicians, interest groups, and political elites connect. This dissertation advances these lines of research. Chapter 2 introduces a novel type of theoretical actor, the interest actor. I describe interest actors and their importance in our political ecology and introduce a classification method that makes the theoretical definition of interest actors operational on social media. Chapter 3 considers how interest groups utilize social media and provides evidence of their social and informational networked behavior and online activities. Chapter 4 introduces a novel application of Directed Information influence networks for political research. These networks conceptually evaluate the content of communications shared between actors as a network. Estimating directed information allows us to evaluate the impact and effects that actors have on one another through their interactions or communications, and uncover the latent network structure of influences or interactions.

Committee: Janet Box-Steffensmeier (Advisor); Michael Neblo (Committee Member); William Minozzi (Committee Member); Bruce Desmarais (Committee Member) Subjects: Political Science

Master of Arts (MA), Ohio University, 2021, Political Science (Arts and Sciences)

This research aims to insert the theory of gendered space into the narrative history of the American settlement movement by analyzing how settlement residents manipulated private spaces to engage in Progressive-Era politics. Hull House, the first settlement home, is used as a case study to demonstrate how female settlement residents utilized the settlement home as a hybrid public-private space to legitimize their social reform activities in urban areas. By embracing gendered spaces and cultural feminist beliefs about the natural role of women, settlement residents were able to effectively bargain for a more active role and voice in political life. Despite the social and political gains female settlement residents were able to achieve, their approach has been widely criticized by feminist scholars, since the embracing of gendered spaces and essentialist female traits continues to inhibit women from breaking free from structural forms of patriarchy.

Committee: Judith Grant (Advisor); DeLysa Burnier (Committee Member); Julie White (Committee Member) Subjects: Political Science; Womens Studies

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2020, Mass Communication (Communication)

This dissertation, drawing on fieldwork interviews with 29 leading activists from three countries and examining popular social media platforms through Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), studies how social media tools have been used to challenge the repressive political leadership of Eritrea, Ethiopia, and Sudan. The ruling elites of these three countries –mismanaging the scant resources in each, and dealing with large populations of young people with few prospects – faced daunting new challenges. Advancement in communication technologies and the emergence of social media revitalized the despairing youth to take matters into their own hands. They challenged their repressive rulers through decentralized and nonviolent modes of struggle that successfully fused the diaspora communities. The dissertation borrows theoretical underpinnings from Jurgen Habermas' public sphere theory, and Michel Foucault's concept of speaking truth to power. It benefits from Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2012)'s framing of social media sites as disruptors of the existing status quo. The findings illustrate that social media platforms have enabled youth to challenge the information monopoly imposed by their governments. These platforms have allowed for horizontal communications and added a new layer of democratization to the decision-making process, as opposed to the traditional strict top-down approach. The findings outline the wider availability of social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, YouTube and blogging have helped average citizens articulate their views, erode the personality cults that surrounded stalwart rulers, and engage the huge diaspora community of each country to step in. Activists have utilized social media in three interconnected ways: creating platforms to discuss and strategize outside the influence of the state; easily bypassing the state security's repeated infiltrations; and then finally, as in Ethiopia and Sudan, giving them the confidence to take proactiv (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Steve Howard Prof. (Committee Chair); Wolfgang Suetzl Dr. (Committee Member); Devika Chawla Prof. (Committee Member); Ghirmai Negash Prof. (Committee Member) Subjects: Mass Communications

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2020, Mass Communication (Communication)

This dissertation analyzes the ways Eritrean migrants adapted PalTalk chatrooms as venues for political deliberation, activism, and peacebuilding. By relating to annihilated traditional and modern civic spheres in the country, I explore how diaspora Eritreans build dynamic communities of solidarity and engage in counter activities against their government. Primarily using in-depth interviews and archival analysis, I have documented some milestone achievements this online community was able to accomplish in the period between 2000 and 2016, identifying breaking the spiral of silence in the diaspora, mobilizing protests, and consolidating clear political opinions. I also examine the role of Eritrean PalTalk chatrooms in building peace and deterring violence in relation to the overarching question about the role of new media in building peace. By focusing on a popular PalTalk chatroom called Smer, I identify the promotion of non-violent struggle, peace education, and truth sharing as important communicative exercises that can serve as examples that new media can contribute positively for peace and national healing. I also underscore how a sense of enervation with war and violence has inclined many Eritreans to pursue a negative peace that aspires the end of militarized governance and forced conscription.

Committee: Steve Howard Prof. (Advisor); Wolfgand Suetzl Dr. (Committee Member); Devika Chawla Prof. (Committee Member); Ghirmai Negash Prof. (Committee Member) Subjects: Mass Communications

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2020, English

This thesis examines the ideological values of the modern American university through an analysis of two student movements centered on speech rights at public universities: the Free Speech Movement (1964) and the CUNY Student Fee Movement (2018). My analysis of these movements draws upon public sphere and social change theory along with a sophistic framework grounded in the ancient rhetorical concept of nomos. I find that student-speech movements provide a valuable example of how student activists use the nomoi of student-as-citizen and the university as a site of critical discussion to elevate the importance of free speech at the public university. Based on an analysis of student activist rhetoric, this thesis calls for additional institutional support for student participation in critical debate.

Committee: Jason Palmeri (Committee Chair); James Porter (Committee Member); Michele Simmons (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Composition; Rhetoric; Social Research; Teaching

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2018, History

Early American attitudes toward Marie Antoinette as found in print culture and correspondence illustrates how factions came to understand her as exemplifying the threat politicized women appeared to pose to their republican experiment. Despite differing opinions about the course of the French Revolution and the queen's role within it, Federalists and Republicans believed she exacerbated France's difficulties and disapproved of her conduct. In a time when American women were increasingly engaged in the public sphere, both parties used Marie Antoinette as a counterexample to define American women's proper role within the new republic. Partisans suggested the queen's absolutist agenda undercut French reform and/or hindered the people's liberty and that American women should avoid political activity in order to be spared a similar disastrous fate. This instruction helped both parties devise an ideal republican society that promoted exclusive male political participation and female domesticity while protecting against feminine and monarchical depravities.

Committee: Lindsay Schakenbach Regele PhD (Advisor); P. Renée Baernstein PhD (Committee Member); William Brown PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: History

Doctor of Philosophy, Miami University, 2016, English

“From the Classroom to the Movement: Schoolgirl Narratives and Cultural Citizenship in American Literature” examines the relationship between girlhood narratives and discourses of cultural citizenship in American literature and human rights rhetoric. This dissertation analyzes the use of girls as symbols of national values in political rhetoric, as well as the relationship between girls as consumers of culture, and the ways in which girls conceive of their own citizenship and their place in American public life through specific political activities such as labor reform and the Civil Rights Movement. These relationships are demonstrated through life-writing such as autobiography and diaries, novels, educational materials, and other documents, which are analyzed using critical theory on gender, citizenship, and sentimentality. The first two chapters consider how girls position themselves as citizens and as members of specific communities in memoirs from immigrants at the turn of the twentieth-century and African American girls involved in the Civil Rights Movement. These chapters take up issues of gender and citizenship, as well as girls' control over narratives about their own lives, and how they respond to popular discourses of citizenship contemporary to their writing. The later chapters focus on these issues in transnational contexts, and consider the connections between citizenship, human rights, and cultural ideas about gender and childhood, as well as histories of oppression, empire, and neoliberal and capitalist means of circulating resources and “awareness.” The third chapter analyzes the construction of girlhood and citizenship on the border between the United States and Mexico, as well as issues around the dramatization of traumatic violence, through examining media accounts, novels, poetry, and testimonios about the feminicide in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico. The final chapter critiques the construction of girlhood and discourses of compassion used in campaigns s (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Anita Mannur (Committee Chair); Andrew Hebard (Committee Member); Edwards Erin (Committee Member); Kulbaga Theresa (Committee Member); Albarran Elena (Committee Member) Subjects: American Literature; Gender Studies

Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.), Bowling Green State University, 2016, Media and Communication

This study explores Myanmar/Burma's “independent” “exile media's” counter-hegemonic potential and relationship to public sphere formation amid their transition toward commercial models of organization. Employing a comparative content analysis of these media's and mainstream American news media's framing of Myanmar/Burma's democratic reforms, this inquiry correspondingly seeks to gain insight into the nature news frame construction by Burmese exile and U.S. media. As this pursuit necessitates an understanding of the historical, economic, cultural, and technological contextual forces shaping such patterns (Mody, 1978; 1987; 1989; 2010), analysis of data was understood relative to an examination of Myanmar/Burma's socio-historical context, prevailing public sphere, news framing, and political economy scholarship, participant observation of the country's current media landscape, and interviews with the co-founders and senior editors of Myanmar/Burma's exile media. Incorporating the U.S. invasion of Iraq, and culminating in President Barack Obama's “landmark” visit to Myanmar/Burma, 2003-2012 was selected as the overarching timeframe for investigation. The headlines, by-lines, and dates of 323 New York Times and 24 USA Today articles were examined through qualitative content analysis. Furthermore, January 2011 through December 2012 was selected as a sub-sample timeframe for an in-depth qualitative analysis of relevant frames. Eighty-nine (New York Times = 83; USA Today = 6) “mainstream U.S. media” and 90 “exile media” articles (The Irrawaddy = 37; Mizzima News = 30; Democratic Voice of Burma = 23) were analyzed through a deductive application of a coding instrument constructed through an initial pilot study. This investigation finds that Myanmar/Burma's exile media have long been predicated on “bottom-up” and “horizontal flows” of communication, in turn embodying the tenants of “alternative media” and “participatory” and “development journalism”. While not occupyin (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Oliver Boyd-Barrett PhD (Advisor); Neil Englehart PhD (Other); Radhika Gajjala PhD (Committee Member); Joshua Atkinson PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: Communication; Journalism; Political Science

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2015, Mass Communication (Communication)

This virtual ethnographic study was about online communication and the democratic behavior in the Sudan's diaspora. It investigated the possibility of expanding the diasporic political public sphere among Sudanese diaspora by using the six requirements formulated by Licoln Dahlberg (2001a) for a rational-critical discourse of online deliberation of political public issues. The Sudanese diasporic online communities was a product of migration of large number of Sudanese to the Gulf States, the United States, and other regions due to the repressive political environment and bad economic conditions in Sudan and their connection to the Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in host societies. I used three methods of data gathering: online survey, online semi-structured in-depth interviews, and online participant observation. The findings of this study have shown that online communication provided diasporic communities with current political information. Sudanese online diasporic members used this political information in holding online political deliberations that enabled them to have freedom of expression and to establish civil society associations. The study found that although some scholars claimed that the provision of political information was not enough to realize political change, the political information that Sudanese diasporic online users got from the website `sudaneseonline.com' was crucial for depriving the current Sudanese Government from claiming democracy, for revealing corruption, for recognizing the manipulation of the Constitution and civil service. Undemocratic governments were keen to control the amount and the type of information their populations can get. The obtaining of political information was a significant factor in undermining undemocratic governments, which employ the resources of the state, including manipulated constitutions and judiciaries, to deprive their populations from acquiring political information, which is a huma (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Steve Howard (Committee Chair) Subjects: African History; Communication; Journalism; Mass Media; Multimedia Communications; Political Science

Master of Arts, University of Akron, 2015, History

This paper discusses the importance of pamphleteers during the period of the Late Stuart Dynasty in England. While individual pamphleteers are rarely discussed in broad historical texts about the seventeenth century, their writing dramatically influenced the political policy of the Crown and of Parliament. The paper discusses three major topics in the history of pamphleteering during the late seventeenth century and through these topics the contributions of individuals are discussed. First, the pamphleteers and their political relation to Charles II's mistresses, especially the comparison between the English and Protestant mistress Nell Gwyn to the French and Catholic Louise de Kerouaille. Second, how pamphleteers such as Robert Ferguson and Samuel Johnson worked with printers like Richard Baldwin to help influence the objectives of the Glorious Revolution. Lastly, the paper concludes with the discussion of how women such as Aphra Behn and Jane Curtis entered into the position of pamphleteer. The paper spans the period of the English monarchy's restoration to the Glorious Revolution and advances the scholarship of historians of England, Europe, and Early Modern Print Culture.

Committee: Michael Graham (Advisor); Michael Levin (Committee Co-Chair) Subjects: European History; History

Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2015, International and Comparative Politics

Taking a cue from scholars' suggestions to focus on the intersections of various fields of study, this research aims to find the commonalities among representative theories of democracy, mass media and social movements. Assessment of each reveals that all three areas of study encompass space for the interface of the media and the public. The confluence of these elements, when paired with Information and Communication-based technologies, yields what is introduced here as the Integrative Conceptual Model of Internet Analysis. Using this model gives way to a focus on Internet-mediated scenarios through a framework that evaluates the type of agent interaction, network formation, agents' dialogue and the incident's outcome. This is applied to three incidents in both the People's Republic of China and Egypt from 2005 to 2010. The interplay between media and citizens is explained through overarching messages and interactions that may undergird the networks that mobilize collective action.

Committee: Laura Luehrmann Ph.D. (Advisor); Vaughn Shannon Ph.D. (Committee Member); Judith Ezekiel Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Asian Studies; Mass Media; Middle Eastern Studies; Political Science; Web Studies

Master of Arts, University of Akron, 2014, History

The late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries saw England experience a dramatic shift; this transformation took place in both the public sphere and print culture. It also occurred in the government's involvement in and management of these two theaters of the social landscape. To grasp this change and gauge how it happened over time this thesis analyzes four instructive events, or in some cases series of events, and the changing political and cultural contexts surrounding them to demonstrate the government's evolving involvement in and management of the public sphere through print media during this period. The specific episodes of interest are the Popish Plot and subsequent Exclusion Crisis, the Glorious Revolution of 1688-1689, the Sacheverell “incident” and its aftermath, and the peace campaign that brought about the end of the War of the Spanish Succession and the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713. Each is examined both quantitatively and qualitatively using a combination of primary sources in the form of newspapers, pamphlets, and other pieces of print media and secondary analysis. This investigation demonstrates that the importance of the public sphere and of print expanded during this timeframe and that to achieve its goals and maintain political stability the government had to expand its participation in and management of these emergent spaces of power brokering – a task it successfully did by 1713.

Committee: Michael Graham Dr. (Advisor); Michael Levin Dr. (Advisor) Subjects: History