Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2019, History (Arts and Sciences)

During the Cold War, U.S. and Thai leaders were engaged in trying to win the hearts and minds of the Thai people. Much of the literature on U.S.-Thai relations has been from the American perspective and mainly examines economic and military aspects. This dissertation looks at the relationship by drawing from U.S. and Thai government sources to examine both countries public diplomacy and public relations programs in Thailand. From 1957 to 1979, the United States and Thai governments sought to stymie the influence of communism and to build the Thai nation by using the resources of the United States Information Service (USIS) and the Thai Ministry of Interior (MOI). The USIS promoted capitalism, modernization, and anti-communism, while the MOI built up the monarchy, Buddhism, and Thai nationalism. Both organizations used mass media, cultural exchanges, rural development, humanitarian aid, and religious and state ceremonies to convey the U.S. and Thai government's messages and programs. One purpose of the USIS and MOI was to show that communism was a threat to economic development, to Buddhism, and the monarchy. However, promoting anti-communism and building up the institutions of the monarchy and Buddhism divided the country. USIS and MOI programs strengthened the political and public image of King Bhumibol Adulyadej. This dissertation argues that the USIS and MOI played an important role in stymieing communism and strengthening the Thai state.

Committee: Chester Pach (Advisor); Ingo Trauschweizer (Committee Member); Alec Holcombe (Committee Member); Drew McDaniel (Committee Member) Subjects: Asian Studies; History

Master of Arts (MA), Wright State University, 2022, International and Comparative Politics

What are Beijing's intentions behind the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)? China's foreign policy efforts between 2010 and 2017 are analyzed by comparing five indicators to BRI project spending to understand the goals driving the initiative. Five indicators are used to compare how China's interest between Belt participants and Road participants: image building, economic volatility, public opinion, energy resources, and geostrategic location. These indicators are applied to four case study BRI participants to rate China's interest and then compare that to overall BRI project spending. The four case studies are Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan from the Belt portion of BRI and Vietnam and Sri Lanka from the Road portion.

Committee: Laura M. Luehrmann Ph.D. (Advisor); Pramod Kantha Ph.D. (Committee Member); Liam Anderson Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: International Relations

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2017, Journalism (Communication)

One tool in India's mediated public diplomacy is the increasing use of social media platforms to build agendas and national reputation among foreign audiences. In 2017, the Indian government ranks seventh in the world in its use of social media for diplomacy and has more than 1.2 million users following its diplomatic accounts on several social media platforms. Despite this high ranking and a sizable following on social media, little research has been done to understand India's mediated public diplomacy through Twitter and Facebook. To address this literature gap, this study investigates India's mediated public diplomacy on social media in South Asia based on the theoretical models of agenda building and reputation building. First, the agenda-building model was examined through both a quantitative analysis of content published on 15 Indian government social media accounts and a survey of the social media users who follow these accounts. A total of 6,000 tweets and status updates published on the 15 accounts of the Ministry of External Affairs, Indian Diplomacy, and embassies in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka were analyzed. Second, a reputation-building model surveyed national reputation factors for India such as engagement, online social relations, and information sources among social media users. Results show that there is an agenda-building linkage between the Indian government agendas and the agendas of South Asian social media users. Politics, culture, economy/finance, and infrastructure were the top-ranked agendas of the Indian government on social media. For social media users, the top-ranked agendas were education, health and medicine, environment, economy/finance, and infrastructure. Results also show that social media engagement and information sources such as traditional media from the social media users' home country and social networking sites predict national reputation. However, factors such as the stren (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Kalyango, Jr. Yusuf Dr. (Advisor); Srivastava Jatin Dr. (Committee Member); Ross Andrew Dr. (Committee Member); Howard Steve Dr. (Committee Member) Subjects: Asian Literature; Asian Studies; Communication; Journalism

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2015, Arts Policy and Administration

The nation of Chile means different things to different people. As Chile progresses as one of Latin America's most stable emerging democracies, its reputation abroad is becoming all the more important in fostering further growth. How do the arts and culture contribute to this reputation formation, and what can Chile do with this continually in-flux perception? Through analysis of current research on the ingredients and applications of a national reputation utilizing arts and culture, this research poses a framework with which the nation of Chile is examined. Empirical observation is combined with data obtained from in-person interviews to gain multiple perspectives on an increasingly popular issue within the country. Findings indicate that Chile's international reputation not only comes from sending its artists abroad on official and unofficial visits and exchanges, but also includes a number of domestic undertakings that form the cultural base Chile may draw from in molding its name. However, these tasks are not without its own set of unique challenges pertinent to the country's distinctive geopolitical position and history. By operating within the established framework aimed at capturing the breadth of activity occurring within and outside of Chile, conclusions are surmised that may inform effective practices for governments, organizations, and artists in contributing to a nation's reputation through its most constant and identifiable asset -- its culture.

Committee: Margaret Wyszomirski (Advisor); Wayne Lawson (Committee Member) Subjects: Arts Management; International Relations; Public Policy

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2015, History (Arts and Sciences)

In January 1959 Fidel Castro took power in Cuba and soon proved to be a perplexing opponent for the United States. The island nation did not have to commit soldiers or weaponry to advance its revolutionary agenda in Latin America. The ideas and romanticism associated with the Cuban Revolution were enough to foster anti-U.S. and pro-Cuban sentiment in the region. Historian Thomas Wright wrote that the Cuban Revolution “embodied the aspirations and captured the imagination of Latin America's masses as no other political movement had ever done.” Castro declared during the “Second Declaration of Havana” in 1962 that “it is the duty of every revolutionary to make the revolution. In America and the world, it is known that the revolution will be victorious, but it is improper revolutionary behavior to sit at one's doorstep waiting for the corpse of imperialism to pass by.” For U.S. policymakers, confronting Castro and his revolutionary agenda became a top priority during the 1960s. Adolf Berle, a veteran U.S. foreign policymaker with experience dating back to the Franklin Roosevelt administration, headed John Kennedy's task force on Latin America and offered the president counsel on how best to confront the growing unrest in the region. While Berle noted the positive effects that a focus on democracy, economic development, and social reform could have, he also called on the administration to launch a “psychological offensive.” In an attempt to co-opt the energies of the Cuban revolution and impede Fidel Castro's influence in Latin America, the United States waged an extensive public diplomacy campaign against the revolutionary fervor emanating from Havana. This international history, based on research in the United States, Colombia, Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, the Dominican Republic, and Cuba, tells the story of Washington's attempt to discredit the Cuban Revolution, while simultaneously cultivating public opinion in Latin America during the 1960s. Central to (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Chester Pach (Committee Chair); Kenneth Osgood (Committee Member); Patrick Barr-Melej (Committee Member); Kevin Mattson (Committee Member); Brad Jokisch (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; History; International Relations; Latin American History

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2011, East Asian Languages and Literatures

Public diplomacy has become an important tool that countries use to improve their image internationally. This thesis asserts that U.S. public diplomacy efforts toward China need to be better analyzed so that they can be more effectively used to improve how Chinese, in particular students and teachers, perceive the U.S. This thesis first defines public diplomacy and U.S. public diplomacy, introduces the history and development of U.S. public diplomacy efforts toward China, and lastly analyzes, critiques, and offers suggestions regarding these efforts in the modern day.

Committee: Galal Walker Dr. (Advisor); Jianqi Wang Dr. (Committee Chair) Subjects: Asian Studies; International Relations

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Ohio University, 2007, History (Arts and Sciences)

This dissertation is an examination of US public diplomacy efforts in the Arab world during the Eisenhower administration, focusing primarily on the US response to Egypt and Arab nationalism. The primary contribution that this study makes to the literature on US relations with the Middle East is its emphasis on the so-called “Arab street” and the ways in which Eisenhower and his staff thought about and tried to manipulate Arab public opinion. The most important conclusion of the study was that although Eisenhower was a true believer in the importance of foreign public opinion and public diplomacy, his top foreign policy adviser—Secretary of State John Foster Dulles—did not share his views, at least not with regard to the Arab world. Partly because of this difference of opinion, the two leaders often made policy decisions that only exacerbated Arab anti-Americanism. Even though scholars generally agree that he was a strong leader on foreign policy, in the case of US relations with the Arab world and public diplomacy in general, Eisenhower often deferred to Dulles's views, frequently against his own—better—instincts.

Committee: Chester Pach (Advisor) Subjects: History, United States

BA, Oberlin College, 2012, Politics

In the Quadrennial Diplomacy & Development Review (QDDR) issued by the U.S. State Department in 2010, there is a stated commitment to expanding interaction with foreign populations. Through statements made by other officials in various venues, it is clear that social media is seen as having a part in this aim. But how effectively are officials now using social media to connect? Are they managing to achieve "two-way dialogue" or are they underutilizing the medium? This paper attempts to start to answer and analyze this question through a review of the existing literature and theories as well as original research and data collection.

Committee: Eve Sandberg (Advisor); Michael Parkin (Advisor) Subjects: Information Technology; International Relations; Political Science; Technology; Web Studies

Master of Arts (MA), Bowling Green State University, 2011, History

This study examines the creation and implementation of the 1961 Mutual Educational and Cultural Exchange Act. Specifically, this thesis focuses on the Fulbright program as it was implemented as part of U.S. foreign policy from 1961-1970. It looks at the ways in which educational exchanges were used in U.S. foreign policy to meet Cold War pressures and restore the U.S. image abroad, and investigates the means in which short- term political goals disrupted policies that required time to fully develop. Throughout the 1960s, there were many attempts to reorganize and coordinate educational and cultural activities, but the different views on the purpose of these activities kept at bay any type of effort to consolidate them into one Bureau. I argue that policymaker's inability to come to a solid consensus on the purpose for educational and cultural exchange stunted the development of the Fulbright program and significantly contributed to its large budget reduction in 1970. Overall, this is the historical account of a period when the U.S. took multi-faceted approaches to public diplomacy and went to great lengths to branch out with international person-to- person exchanges.

Committee: Amilcar Challu PhD (Committee Chair); Stephen Ortiz PhD (Committee Co-Chair); Vibha Bhalla PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: Adult Education; American History; American Studies; Education; Education History; Education Policy; Higher Education; Higher Education Administration; History; International Relations; Latin American History; Latin American Studies; Political Science