Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 1970, Graduate School

Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects:

Doctor of Philosophy, University of Akron, 2024, History

For the first century of its existence, colonial Puritanism in New England embraced anti-Catholicism. It first emerged out of anti-Catholic efforts to continue the Reformation in England, by removing Catholic rituals, symbols, ideas, and people from the English church, state, and society. Through the processes of migration and settlement-building in the unique contexts of the New England borderlands, their once “English” anti-Catholicism evolved and became “Americanized.” Puritans felt this new “Americanized” anti-Catholicism on an everyday basis, making colonial Puritan anti-Catholicism more intense than its English counterpart. Embracing an anti-Catholic “errand” into the New England borderlands, a region filled with new people and geography that was far from the reaches of the English state, colonial Puritans experimented with and crafted their religious, political, and social institutions, practices, and identities on anti-Catholicism. Catholics became “the Other,” imagined as violent and oppressive tyrants, plotters, murderers, and even the anti-Christ, from which colonial Puritans defined their community in opposition. Constant conflict with Indigenous peoples, New France, and “popery” raised anxieties and fears over the very survival of Puritan communities. As a result, New Englanders passed stranger laws—regulations, oaths, and other means to control the presence of alien peoples—to restrict Catholic “strangers” within their colonies. By exploring the relationship between the colonies of New England and Ireland, it becomes clear that the English language of civility and violence, which was employed in New England against both Indigenous peoples and Catholics, originated within the process of Irish colonization. This language was thus tied to that colonization's virulent anti-Catholicism, which was then transported to New England.

Committee: Gina Martino (Advisor); Michael Graham (Committee Member); Hilary Nunn (Committee Member); Janet Klein (Committee Member); Kevin Kern (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; American Literature; European History; History; Law; Religion; Religious History

PhD, University of Cincinnati, 2024, College-Conservatory of Music: Music (Musicology)

By the end of the nineteenth century, Bostonians had positioned themselves as leaders of sociocultural development in the United States. In 1885, one international visitor wrote about his trip to Boston and fondly recalled how he was particularly entertained by the “many musical entertainments showered upon Boston,” citing the Boston Orchestral Club and the Apollo Club as giving the most captivating performances. By this time, music clubs had woven themselves into the city's sociocultural tapestry, playing a critical role in securing the city's reputation as a national leader for musical development and progress. Despite achieving such an impressive reputation, Boston's concert tradition remained firmly tethered to the Germanic musical canon; an unintended result set forth by musical luminaries from decades prior, including those in music clubs, many of whom modeled Boston's musical life on contemporary German examples. Frustrated by their lack of a musical identity independent from European traditions, late nineteenth-century Americans experienced a national cultural awakening as citizens began wrestling with what it meant to be distinctly “American.” As Americans grappled with the elusiveness of their own national cultural identity, they turned to music as a medium that could play a crucial role in defining who they were as well as how they could distinguish themselves from European nations whose music had formed their programmatic backbone from decades prior. When it came to actualizing this vision of an American musical culture separate form European concert traditions, one key player remained involved: local music clubs. Due to their long history within the city's social landscape, by the turn of the twentieth century, Boston's music clubs—though varied in purpose, scope, and personnel—had rendered themselves the ideal space for addressing larger topical issues, such as national cultural identity. Using records preserved by the National Federation of Mus (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Jonathan Kregor Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Angela Swift Ph.D. D.M.A. (Committee Member); Stephen Meyer Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Music

Master of Arts (MA), Bowling Green State University, 0, History

Scholars have long prized Mercy Otis Warren as a subject of historical study because of her extensive correspondence, which shows how elite women expressed their support of the American Revolution. In this thesis, I show that her letters reveal something more fundamental than her patriotic impulse – they show her fear of losing her elite position. I demonstrate this by applying the insights of the history of emotions to the letters Mercy Otis Warren wrote between 1769 and 1780. In these letters, Mercy Otis Warren expressed the emotions of “spirit” and “sentiment” towards her family members, her community of Plymouth, and the Revolutionary cause sweeping over New England. But she expressed herself most passionately about her family's elite status and cultural power. Her letters reveal that Mercy was a product of her time, her class, and her family. In today's terms, we would call her “entitled.” Methodologically, this thesis draws on insights from social history, gender history, and the history of emotions. I place Mercy's correspondence (roughly sixty letters written and received in the period under study) into the context of her relationships with family, friends, and community. She was passionate in her letters because she and her correspondents were facing the destruction of their privileged lives. I argue that understanding Mercy Otis Warren's emotions is critical to understanding her determination to maintain her elite status (chapter 2), her unquestioning acceptance of the gender expectations of a woman in her position (chapter 3), her firm support of the Revolutionary cause (chapter 4), and her attempts to shape the nation's memory of the Revolution afterwards (chapter 5). Historians have implicitly argued that Mercy challenged the gender expectations of her day, but I find that she did not. She simply followed the lead of her male kin, who were extremely well educated and politically powerful.

Committee: Ruth Wallis Herndon Ph.D. (Advisor); Andrew Schocket Ph.D. (Committee Member); Christine Eisel (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; Gender; History; Womens Studies

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 2019, History

“The Inner Light of Radical Abolitionism” tracks the emergence of abolitionism in greater Rhode Island, focusing on Providence and the surrounding communities in Massachusetts and Connecticut. Three major lines of Rhode Island's anti-slavery activism during the early republic—Quaker anti-slavery sentiment, the abolitionist campaign of the Providence Abolition Society, and Rhode Island's free black community—came together to provide the basis for William Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator and his New England Anti-Slavery Society. Quaker and free black communities in greater Rhode Island provided the initial support for Garrison's calls for immediate abolitionism. The work of abolitionist Quaker women from greater Rhode Island fused the question of women's rights with that of abolition and split the national abolitionist movement as a result. By the time the New England Yearly Meeting withdrew formal Quaker support for abolition in 1840, the movement bore the imprint of Quaker activism.

Committee: John Brooke (Advisor) Subjects: African American Studies; American History; Womens Studies

Master of Arts, The Ohio State University, 2017, Sociology

This qualitative thesis examines how mid-life gay and lesbian married individuals navigate the institution of marriage. Using data from 30 couples in Massachusetts collected in 2013, 9 years after marriage equality was legalized in that state, this thesis seeks to complicate previous research which overwhelmingly focuses on the positive aspects of same-sex marriage for lesbian and gay individuals, relationships, and families. The central themes that emerge in the analysis are: 1) the symbolic power of the institution of marriage, 2) the pragmatic power of the institution of marriage, 3) the rejection of the power of the institution of marriage, and 4) ambivalence with marriage. These findings contribute to understanding not only the positive but also the negative and ambivalent effects of marriage access for lesbian and gay individuals. Additionally, this research provides new insight towards the larger goal of family studies that aims at exploring the multiple meanings of and experiences of this powerful institution.

Committee: Corinne Reczek (Advisor); Sarah Hayford (Committee Member); Eric Schoon (Committee Member) Subjects: Sociology

Doctor of Philosophy, The Ohio State University, 1967, Graduate School

Committee: Not Provided (Other) Subjects: Education

BA, Oberlin College, 2016, Environmental Studies

This research is a case-based comparative analysis between bottle bill campaigns and policies in four different U.S. states in order to analyze the determining and preventative variables in the passage of bottle bills. Additionally, this study compares what ways these types of legislation are ultimately effective or ineffective in meeting economic, environmental, and social goals under the framework of Triple Bottom Line Sustainability. These four case study states (OR, ME, MA, and WA) have been selected to exemplify several public, private, and mixed systems that display varying outcomes in participation in the program and impacts on litter and local economies. Bottle bill systems are well-suited to be analyzed with this comprehensive framework because they can provide economic, social, and environmental benefits to the places where this kind of deposit system is implemented. Economically, bottle bills create jobs in redemption, transportation, and create high quality recycled products in high demand by recycling facilities. Further, the unredeemed deposits from containers not returned results in a large pool of money that can be strategically used for state spending, environmental projects, or to fund the container program itself. Environmentally, bottle bills have proven themselves to be powerful mechanism to decrease litter and to conserve resources through a monetary incentive to reuse and recycle. While it is to be expected that much of the literature on the subject focuses on the cost and economic efficiency of the market-based regulation, I believe that there remains a hole in the literature that fails to directly recognize the ways that deposit systems are entangled in local, state, and even international social systems. It is within this arena that this research is one of the first to explore the social services and environmental justice aspects of bottle bills.

Committee: Swapna Pathak (Advisor) Subjects: Environmental Economics; Environmental Health; Environmental Justice; Environmental Law; Environmental Studies; History; International Law; Law; Natural Resource Management; Plastics; Political Science

Ph.D., Antioch University, 2015, Antioch New England: Environmental Studies

While there are as yet no wind energy facilities in New England coastal waters, a number of wind turbine projects are now operating on land adjacent to the coast. In the Gulf of Maine region (from Maine to Massachusetts), at least two such projects, one in Falmouth, Massachusetts, and another on the island of Vinalhaven, Maine, began operation with public backing only to face subsequent opposition from some who were initially project supporters. I investigate the reasons for this dynamic using content analysis of documents related to wind energy facility development in three case study communities. For comparison and contrast with the Vinalhaven and Falmouth case studies, I examine materials from Hull, Massachusetts, where wind turbine construction and operation has received steady public support and acceptance. My research addresses the central question: What does case study analysis of the siting and initial operation of three wind energy projects in the Gulf of Maine region reveal that can inform future governance of wind energy in Massachusetts state coastal waters? I consider the question with specific attention to governance of wind energy in Massachusetts, then explore ways in which the research results may be broadly transferable in the U.S. coastal context. I determine that the change in local response noted in Vinalhaven and Falmouth may have arisen from a failure of consistent inclusion of stakeholders throughout the entire scoping-to-siting process, especially around the reporting of environmental impact studies. I find that, consistent with the principles of ecosystem-based and adaptive management, design of governance systems may require on-going cycles of review and adjustment before the implementation of such systems as intended is achieved in practice. I conclude that evolving collaborative processes must underlie science and policy in our approach to complex environmental and wind energy projects; indeed, collaborative process is fundamen (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: James Jordan Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Joy Ackerman Ph.D. (Committee Member); Herman Karl Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Alternative Energy; Energy; Environmental Management; Environmental Studies; Public Policy

EdD, University of Cincinnati, 2015, Education, Criminal Justice, and Human Services: Counselor Education

Every day there is the existence of crime and other behaviors considered outside of the parameters of societal expectations. While crime on the streets is frequently addressed by police sanctions and interventions, there is another form of crime that is taking place behind prison and jail walls often termed Institutional Misconduct. This misconduct is often treated differently varying greatly from one institution to the next. In addition this is not a phenomena isolated to only adult facilities, nor in major urban communities. Children experience these phenomena as well, all children whom are incarcerated including those of Appalachia. This study was designed to specifically examine this unique population.

Committee: Cirecie Olatunji Ph.D. (Committee Chair); Michael Brubaker Ph.D. (Committee Member); Keith King Ph.D. (Committee Member) Subjects: Counseling Psychology; Individual and Family Studies

Master of Arts, Oberlin College, 1959, Geography

The City of Worcester, and Worcester County, Massachusetts are quite heavily populated. This population needs recreational facilities, and a high percentage turn to fishing the many lakes and ponds in the area. As a result of this desire to go fishing, a need for bait arises. The best all-around live bait for the game fish in this region is the shiner. Since the demand exceeds the supply, the game fishermen are quite willing to pay for their live bait. In this way a shiner fishing industry has developed, an industry which is local and peculiar to the region in which it is found.

Committee: (Advisor) Subjects: Fish Production; Geography

Master of Arts, Miami University, 2014, History

Margaret Cary's adult life, starting, with marriage and motherhood, as defined by 18th century cultural standards, ended in 1762. During the majority of these years, from 1741-1759, Margaret kept a sparse diary serving as a kind of family bible. This diary, although limited, offers a glimpse into the life of a woman who is often overlooked in histories of the period. Specifically, the details of Margaret's life and family, her diary and other documents provide insight into the changing nature of family and gender roles in the 18th century merchant class of coastal New England. These changing realities of colonial seaports had a lasting impact on not just economic commerce, but also on religious, social, and cultural commerce. Margaret Cary's life provides a case study of these changes and speaks to question of this project: the historical importance of Massachusetts's women in the culturally transitional years between 1740 and 1760.

Committee: Mary Kupiec Cayton (Advisor); Andrew Cayton (Committee Member); Kathryn Burns-Howard (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; Families and Family Life; Gender Studies; History

Master of Arts (MA), Bowling Green State University, 2014, History

In his sermon at the execution of a convicted man, Puritan minister Samuel Danforth used the term "strange flesh" to describe the man's deeds, which in the present would be recognized as sodomy and bestiality. Danforth and other Puritan leaders took responsibility for the spiritual welfare of all the people in their community; sexual activities that they associated with God's enemies terrified them. Believing that their spiritual “city on a hill” was threatened, these leaders tried to deter such behavior not only through passionate sermons that railed against “strange flesh” but through explicit civil laws that mandated harsh penalties for those who persisted. This project focuses on the language in legal and religious texts used by magistrates in Massachusetts Bay from 1629 to 1699. It makes explicit the links connecting law, sex, and religion in this early period. By reading the religious and legal texts together, and paying close attention to the sodomy and bestiality statutes, I show how spiritual anxiety over “strange flesh”dictated legal policy regarding sexual activity. The Bay Colony leaders enacted specific legal statutes because they feared “God's Judgment”; since some people in the community practiced the biblical “abomination” of “unnatural sex.” My working argument is that the conjunction of religious and legal texts created different groups of “other” within the community that established and reinforced the Puritan “godliness” and their “city on the hill.” Legal statutes, legal commentary, and religious commentary provide the main primary sources for this project. Massachusetts Bay lawmakers consolidated individual legislation against “buggery” and “sodomy” into colonial legal codes in the mid-seventeenth century, and English legal manuals describing “buggery” in great detail circulated in the Atlantic world during this time period. Further, Massachusetts Bay Puritan leaders relied heavily on particular passages in the King James Version of the (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Ruth Wallis Herndon PhD (Advisor); Renee Heberle PhD (Committee Member); Christine Eisel PhD (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; History; Law; Legal Studies; Spirituality; Theology

Doctor of Psychology (Psy.D.), Xavier University, 2007, Psychology

The Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument 2 (MAYSI-2) was developed to screen for mental health problems co-morbid with delinquency in the juvenile population, help predict problematic behavior during incarceration, and identify youth who may need treatment for problems other than the legal issues that led to incarceration. Norms and cut-off scores were developed for a large sample (n= 7847) of incarcerated youth and the construct validity, split-half reliability, and internal consistency for the MAYSI-2 were evaluated and compared with those from the Grisso and Bamum study (2000). Reliability analyses indicated strong reliability. Significant differences were observed between age groups and sex and between races on MAYSI-2 scales. Factor analyses identified eight factors, most corresponding to Grisso and Bamum's (2000) original Massachusetts normative sample.

Committee: W. Michael Nelson III Ph.D., ABPP (Committee Chair); Kathleen J. Hart Ph.D., ABPP (Committee Member); Paul A. Deardorff Ph.D., ABPP (Committee Member) Subjects: Criminology; Quantitative Psychology

Master of Arts in History, Youngstown State University, 2009, Department of Humanities

In April 1970 Massachusetts Governor Francis W. Sargent signed a law that forbade the federal government from drafting citizens of Massachusetts and sending them to Vietnam. One year later, Minnesota Governor Wendell Anderson signed a similar bill into law. The language of each law sought to have the U.S. Supreme Court determine whether the U.S. war in Vietnam was unconstitutional because undeclared. State authority in relation to foreign and military policy is not mentioned in the U.S. Constitution. Central to this paper is the question of the rights of individual states in relation to the federal government. This paper examines four areas to determine what factors may have influenced legislators in Massachusetts and Minnesota to use state law in their attempt to challenge federal policy.The first area to be examined is presidential use of military power without congressional declaration of war. Also examined are federal court cases, such as Talbot v. Seeman (1801) in which the courts validated the actions of presidents during undeclared war. The Twentieth Century has seen almost continuous involvement by U.S. forces in congressionally authorized yet undeclared conflict. The Tonkin Gulf Resolution, used by Lyndon Johnson to justify the massive commitment of American troops to Vietnam, offered congressional authorization for war without explicit declaration of war. The second area to be examined is the growth and impact of the antiwar movement during the U.S. war in Vietnam. The Vietnam antiwar movement had antecedents in citizen opposition to the draft during the First World War. The structure of the antiwar movement was very complex. There was no overall national organization, nor was there a single command group. After more than two decades of governmental information regarding the need to fight communism all antiwar and anti-draft groups faced the daunting task of re-educating the public. Elected officials, including state legislators, must determine which actio (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: William Jenkins PhD (Advisor); Anne York PhD (Committee Member); Ronald Slipski (Committee Member) Subjects: American History; American Studies

Master of Science (MS), Wright State University, 2006, Geological Sciences

Ground water flow and contaminant transport patterns are largely controlled by the distribution of high- and low-permeability sediments. Therefore, an accurate description of the aquifer architecture is paramount to producing a representative ground water model. Models of contaminant fate and transport in the aquifer near Woburn, Massachusetts, have previously been created by others using a deterministic approach. As a complement to these prior studies, the proportions, geometry, and juxtaposition of the different lithofacies of the aquifer were statistically characterized for developing stochastic models for the aquifer system. The descriptions of lithology from boreholes were separated into eleven categories based primarily on grain size. Hydraulic conductivity values were available for some of the categories and their frequency distributions were analyzed. However, it was not possible to conclusively divide the categories into facies based on permeability because of the overlap in the values. As a result, three classifications (termed A, B, and C) were devised to explore the effect of different classifications. The classifications were designed to represent both the worst- and best-case scenarios with respect to the volumetric proportion of low-permeability facies. In each classification, the study area was divided into three sections: the northern section, the central section, and the southern section. The proportion of low-permeability facies was found to be highest in northern section and lowest in central section. The vertical range of the low-permeability facies was characterized using the transition probability models while the variogram model characterized the lateral range of the low-permeability facies. The results of the stochastic characterization were utilized with a sequential indicator simulator code to produce visualizations under each classification. Using previous results of Ritzi et al., (2000) from transport studies of contamination in simulati (open full item for complete abstract)

Committee: Robert Ritzi (Advisor) Subjects: Geology

Bachelor of Arts (BA), Ohio University, 2010, Political Science

Though education has long been recognized as an important factor in economic development, there is little work about the factors that influence the development of public schools. This paper examines the histories of Japan and Brazil, two countries with very different education systems. While Japan created public education relatively early, Brazil has continually struggled to develop a strong system. Brief accounts of education in Massachusetts and Britain are also provided. From this research, the factor that has the greatest influence on the development of public education is the strength of the state, though there are secondary factors as well. It is hoped that this work will spark further research on the subject.

Committee: James Mosher (Advisor) Subjects: Education History; Political Science

BA, Oberlin College, 1981, History

Historians have tended to approach the American Revolution from the perspective of its winners. They have tried to understand the causes and consequences of the war in terms of the attitudes, perceptions and actions of the revolutionaries. Although this approach had been very fruitful, the focus on the reasons for a revolution has obscured the possibility that any sensible, right-thinking American could have opposed the Revolution. There has long been an interest, however, in those colonists who did not support the Revolution. Recently, historians have sought to explain the motivation of these loyalists as a result of the characteristics and interests common to the social, economic, or geographical groups that were most frequently opposed to the Revolution. William Nelson, for example, suggested that rank and file loyalists tended to be members of economic or cultural minorities. Thus, their loyalism could be explained by their greater fear of dominance by a local majority than their fear of continued British rule. Nelson also studied the leaders of the loyalists, finding them to be distinguished from their ,more patriotic contemporaries by a dependence on Britain for their political authority, Other historians, like Wallace Brown and Leonard Labaree, have focused on the loyalists' occupations, government office holding and religious affiliations as important characteristics. Finding that the loyalists were frequently merchants, lawyers, royal officials and Anglicans they have suggested that these were the significant factors in their loyalism. The loyalists were, in this view, motivated by a combination of close ties to Britain and economic and political self-interest.

Committee: Carol Lasser (Advisor) Subjects: American History; History