Department: Slavic and East European Studies ![[clear]](close-x.png "Remove this limiter")
22 matches in the database.
These are records: 1 - 22.
1.
Atkins, Andrea N.
Discretion in Russian Librarianship: Pre-Soviet, Soviet, Post-Soviet.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2012, Ohio State University
► For most of the twentieth century, public libraries and librarians in Russia…
(more)
▼ For most of the twentieth century, public libraries and librarians in Russia were tools for Soviet propaganda. While democratic concerns for literacy and societal development were ideals that revolutionaries tried to uphold during the revolutionary period and early years of the USSR, ultimately the Soviet government executed policies that forced libraries and librarians to serve the goals of the state. The Soviet government appropriated the socio-cultural institution of the public library and made all of its activities subservient to the single principle of partiinost’. Thus, professional librarians in Russia had little ability to exercise their specialized knowledge to promote the public good, which is often viewed as a paramount goal of librarians. In this thesis I analyze both the historical process of the Soviet state’s claiming of the public library for propagating Soviet ideals and the reaction to this in the Post-Soviet era. I argue that the ability to exercise discretion is a primary characteristic of the profession of public librarianship, but that the ability to exercise discretion was denied to Russian public librarians. I also explain the Soviet’s concept of the public library by introducing readers’ guidance generally and evaluating the Soviet-style of readers’ guidance particularly. I chronicle the reclamation of the library profession, which began during glasnost’ and perestroika. Finally, I attempt to describe the current state of librarianship in Russia by highlighting some its more important developments in the post-Soviet period.
Advisors/Committee Members: Suchland, Jennifer.
Subjects: Library Science; Slavic Studies
Keywords: librarianship; public library; Russia
More Like This
2.
Cade, Justin A.
“Frozen Conflict” in Paradise: Origins of the Struggle for Abkhazia.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2009, Ohio State University
► “’Frozen Conflict’ in Paradise: Origins of the Struggle for Abkhazia” examines the…
(more)
▼ “’Frozen Conflict’ in Paradise: Origins of the Struggle for Abkhazia” examines the question of separatism in Abkhazia, a breakaway republic of Georgia. Paying particular attention to the role of Georgia and Russia in shaping the fate of Abkhazia, this Master’s thesis is concerned with identifying the origins of the now “frozen conflict” which now exists in the autonomous republic, which scholars have described as being in a state of constitutional limbo. In offering an explanation for how a series of diplomatic failures led to the outbreak of war following the fall of the Soviet Union, the thesis places particular emphasis on five critical themes in the history of Abkhazia. They are as follows: demographic shift in the republic; the legitimate, yet conflicting, interests of the Russians, Georgians, and Abkhaz in the republic and how the triangular nature of the relationship between these three parties; competing or overlapping claims to Abkhaz territory; the question of nationalism; and the importance of specific events and personalities. The thesis is divided into five distinct chapters to offer readers a basic background in Abkhaz history and to highlight key events and personalities in the region’s past. The first chapter is concerned with the ancient and pre-Russian history of Abkhazia and Georgia; the second chapter focuses on Transcaucasia under the Russian Empire and Georgia’s brief period of independence from Russia in the early twentieth century; the third chapter is a narrative of the region in the Soviet period; the fourth chapter examines the post-Soviet period and the outbreak and consequences of the 1992-93 war in Abkhazia; and, finally, the fifth chapter follows post-war Abkhaz, Georgian, and Russian relations, culminating in the August 2008 war fought between the Georgians and Russians over South Ossetia.
Advisors/Committee Members: Breyfogle, Nicholas.
Subjects: History
Keywords: Abkhazia; Georgia
More Like This
3.
Castleton, Joseph M.
Exporting Unemployment: Migration as Lens to Understand Relations between Russia, China, and Central Asia.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2010, Ohio State University
► The post-Soviet triangle of relations between Russia, China, and Central Asia is…
(more)
▼ The post-Soviet triangle of relations between Russia, China, and Central Asia is an important but underappreciated relationship, and is the focus of this paper. The formation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2001, comprising Russia, China, and Central Asia, was regarded by many in the West as a bloc similar to the Warsaw Pact. In reality, the creation of the group symbolizes a relationship more locally invested and more geared toward balancing conflicting national interests in the region than with competing against the West. The SCO, however, cannot alone explain the complexities of Russia, China, and Central Asia’s relationship. The triangle is a culmination of bilateral dealings over national and regional interests. The real work is not accomplished via multilateral forums like the SCO, but rather through bilateral interaction. Understanding the shared and conflicting interests of these nations can shed light on various factors influencing policy at the national and regional level. One key to understanding these influences is looking at Russia, China, and Central Asia’s relationship through the lens of migration. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia quickly became the second most popular destination for immigrants in the world behind the United States. Different from the situation in the United States, and at least more urgent than the situation in Europe, migration in the SCO region is driven by diverse, but pressing demographic and economic needs of all the countries involved. Russia’s population is shrinking at an alarming rate and requires the aid of foreign labor to supplement the diminishing workforce. Central Asia deals with the opposite problem, requiring states to export unemployment to Russia and depend on remittances. China has both an expanding economy and an excess of domestic labor. Migration is an indication of economic and domestic pressures. Yet, it is also the product of conflicts over national and regional interests. This paper argues that conflicts of national and regional interests, together with economic and demographic realities are the driving forces of migration in the SCO region. It attempts to address the complexity of competing interests that influence migration and make stability in the region tentative. It argues that migration and migration policy are products of this competition, not necessarily the drivers of policy themselves. From this perspective, policy is a reaction to the competition of interests rather than a reaction to migration trends. In fact, migration of various ethnicities within the region is most often involuntary and unwelcomed, but nonetheless necessary for the survival of the individual and of the state. Therefore, states use migration as a means of meeting certain needs, whether that be fostering migration or averting it. Often, states have interests that urge them to do both. Thus, regimes deal with the task of appeasing conflicting interests. This paper addresses these conflicts of interest mostly from Russia’s point of view.
Advisors/Committee Members: Liu, Morgan.
Subjects: International relations; Russian history
Keywords: Migration; Russia; China; Central Asia
More Like This
4.
Dempsey, Timothy A.
Russian Rule in Turkestan: A Comparison with British India through the Lens of World-Systems Analysis.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2010, Ohio State University
► This thesis is an attempt to analyze the Russian conquest and subsequent…
(more)
▼ This thesis is an attempt to analyze the Russian conquest and subsequent colonization of southern Central Asia using Immanuel Wallerstein’s world-systems approach. In the middle of the nineteenth century the Russian empire’s position in the European-centered, capitalist world-system was weakening. Its economy was gradually becoming more geared to low value-added production, and its military prowess vis-à-vis other European powers like France and Britain was badly compromised after its defeat in the Crimean War. In order to prevent its complete peripheralization within that system Russia undertook to conquer southern Central Asia in order to create a captive market for its manufactures and to secure a more reliable supply of raw cotton for its burgeoning textile industry. As a result of this process, Central Asia was incorporated into the periphery of the expanding capitalist world-system, whereby it underwent a number of painful social and economic transformations that were observable in other lands that had been colonized by European powers. Following the example of Alexander Morrison, this thesis compares the colonial experience of Russian Turkestan with British India, but instead of comparing the administrative structures of the two colonial regimes, it seeks to find similarities in effects of economic colonization on the indigenous populations. Russian colonization of Turkestan, however, was tempered by the fact that the Russian empire, being a semiperipheral power in the capitalist world-system, had fewer resources to facilitate an efficient exploitation of its southern colony. In addition, the Russian autocracy remained too strong in relation to its national bourgeoisie and actively inhibited the accumulation of capital in the core by preventing total exploitation of Turkestan.
Advisors/Committee Members: Levi, Scott.
Subjects: Agriculture; Cultural anthropology; Ecology; Economic history; Economic theory; European history; International relations; Middle Eastern history; Russian history; Sociology; Womens studies
Keywords: World-systems; Turkestan; Central Asia; Russia; Colonialism; Dependency theory; Wallerstein; British India; Alexander Morrison
More Like This
5.
Garrett, Sara Anne.
Beyond Submarines: Development and Use of CTOL Aircraft Carriers in the Soviet Union and Russian Federation, 1945-present.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2011, Ohio State University
► Russian and Soviet thinking on the construction and use of aircraft carriers…
(more)
▼ Russian and Soviet thinking on the construction and use of aircraft carriers evolved from initial opposition to acceptance of the concept of aircraft-capable ships. However, the Russian Navy currently possesses only one CTOL-capable aircraft carrier, the Admiral Kuznetsov. This thesis examines the influence of social, political, and economic factors on the Soviet and Russian approach to carrier-based aviation and then considers the Moskva, Kiev, and Kuznetsov classes of carriers. The technical and personnel issues affecting the Kuznetsov’s operation in the post-Soviet period provide a framework for evaluating the future of proposed carrier programs for the Russian Navy. In light of Russian ambitions on the world stage, public statements by naval leadership, and a marked increase in Navy spending on new ships, a continuation of Russia’s carrier ambitions seems likely.
Advisors/Committee Members: Guilmartin, John.
Subjects: Armed Forces; Military History; Russian History
Keywords: aircraft carrier; Kuznetsov; Soviet Union navy; Russian Federation navy
More Like This
6.
Goddard, Lisa Anne.
Georgian Opposition to Soviet Rule (1956-1989) and the Causes of Resentment between Georgia and Russia.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2011, Ohio State University
► This Master’s thesis seeks to examine the question of strained relations between…
(more)
▼ This Master’s thesis seeks to examine the question of strained relations between Georgia and the Russian Federation, paying particular attention to the Georgian revolts of 1956, 1978 and 1989 during the Soviet era. By examining the results of these historical conflicts, one can discern a pattern of three major causes of the tensions between these neighboring peoples: disagreement with Russia over national identity characteristics such as language, disputes over territory, and degradation of symbols of national legacy. It is through conflicts and revolts on the basis of these three factors that Georgian anti-Russian sentiment and Russian anti-Georgian sentiment developed. This thesis is divided into four chapters that will explore the origins and results of each uprising, as well as the evolving conceptions of national identity that served as a backdrop to the conflicts. Following an introduction that lays out the primary questions and findings of the thesis, the second chapter gives a brief history of Georgia and its relationship with Russia, as well as outlines the history and dynamic nature of Georgian national identity. Chapter three, the core chapter, presents the Georgian rebellions during the Soviet era, their causes, and their relevance to this thesis. It then concludes with an analysis of the events and how they are linked to the main argument. Each rebellion was sparked by one of three major causes: the 1956 rebellion was caused by the Khrushchev administration’s invalidation of Georgia’s symbolic national legacy by denigrating Stalin and barring any celebration of this (then) Georgian national hero. In 1978, attempts by the Georgian leadership to impose the Russian language on the Georgian SSR represented an attack on Georgian identity that sparked strong opposition. Finally, the landmark events of 1989 began as a territorial dispute over Abkhazian separatist demands for secession from the Georgian SSR but then exploded into a broad demand for Georgian independence from the Soviet Union. 1989’s uprising is especially important for this chapter in that 1989 is the first uprising in which an independence movement was extremely vocal and led to permanent changes within Georgia. Chapter four then examines the results of these rebellions and concludes that Georgian anti-Russian sentiment was established during Imperial Georgian occupation and was subsequently bolstered by events and policies within Georgia’s time as a republic of the Soviet Union. Finally, an epilogue is also included in order to examine how the defining 2008 conflict between Georgia and the Russian Federation was connected to the rebellions of the post-1956 period, particularly 1989. The epilogue concludes with the direction in which Georgian and Russian relations may continue in the future, based in the findings of this thesis. Thus, I assert that the animosity that we see today between Russia and Georgia is not only a result of Georgian independence in 1991, but rather came from a much longer term of erosion, beginning particularly in 1956 and subsequently expanding with each major uprising in Soviet Georgia.
Advisors/Committee Members: Breyfogle, Nicholas.
Subjects: Slavic Studies
Keywords: Russia; Georgia; Uprisings; Georgian Rebellions; Tension between Georgia and Russia; 1956; 1978; 1989; 2008
More Like This
7.
Goodwin-Kucinsky, Molly.
Filling the Gaps: How Women’s Groups Meet Changing Needs in Post-Soviet Russia.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2009, Ohio State University
► This paper examines the role of independent women’s organizations in Post-Soviet Russia.…
(more)
▼ This paper examines the role of independent women’s organizations in Post-Soviet Russia. I analyze to what extent women’s organizations challenge existing social policies and hold the state accountable to protect women’s rights, or collaborate with the state to enforce the existing social contract. Based on case studies of six independent women’s organizations, I argue that it is impossible to say that women’s groups either exclusively advocate for change or act as partners with the state. Contemporary women’s organizations balance the public’s need for social services with the desire to advocate for political solutions to women’s concerns, all the while operating under the eye of an increasingly controlling state.
Advisors/Committee Members: Suchland, Jennifer.
Subjects: Womens studies
Keywords: Russian; NGO; women's rights
More Like This
8.
Kiel, David.
Russia in Word and Deed: An Analysis of Russian Foreign Security Policy in the 21st Century.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2012, Ohio State University
► Vladimir Putin’s national security, foreign policy, and military doctrines have been designed…
(more)
▼ Vladimir Putin’s national security, foreign policy, and military doctrines have been designed to demonstrate Russia’s pacific intentions and firm commitment to international law to the rest of the international community. However, the Russian leadership’s rhetoric has grown increasingly divorced from the reality of its national security policies, dating back to the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. Since then, the Putin regime has undertaken several distinct policy breaks with the past, including the return to meaningful military alliances and mutual security arrangements such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, unilateral diplomatic actions such as granting political recognition to Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and using hydrocarbons as a tool of foreign policy. While the rhetoric of the Russian leadership suggests that the state remains on the path of providing good international governance, the state’s policies indicate that Putin is willing to challenge the international community over Russia’s national security interests.
Advisors/Committee Members: Hopf, Theodore.
More Like This
9.
Kunkler, Eileen M.
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent?.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2010, Ohio State University
► In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia…
(more)
▼ In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government's Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is, an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity's and Fatherland-All Russia's formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict.
Advisors/Committee Members: Shabad, Goldie.
Subjects: Political science
Keywords: United Russia; elite conflict; Russian politics
More Like This
10.
Martin, Brian Joseph.
Beyond Weimar-Russia: The Putin-Medvedev Duumvirate as Imperial Revanchist.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2009, Ohio State University
► Throughout the 1990s, many scholars were compelled to draw parallels between the…
(more)
▼ Throughout the 1990s, many scholars were compelled to draw parallels between the newly founded Russian Federation and the failed democratic institutions of interwar Germany. Scholars worried that a lethal combination of social, economic, and geopolitical turmoil would propel the Russian government to the same tragic fate as their Weimar counterparts. Unwilling to forget the horrifying results of the collapse of the Weimar Republic and subsequent rise of the Third Reich, intellectuals recognized the analogy as a valuable tool for determining when, why, and with what consequences young democracies fail. While Vladimir Putin’s recent consolidation and verticalization of power has been well documented, the Weimar-Russia analogy has, since 1999, received comparatively little attention from academia or the media. The present exercise implements structural analogical reasoning to give historical perspective to the latest manifestations of the Putin-Medvedev duumvirate, ultimately suggesting that the country remains squarely on a Weimar trajectory.
Advisors/Committee Members: Mueller, John.
Subjects: Political science
Keywords: Weimar-Russia; Russia; Weimar; Putin; Medvedev; Analogy; Sudetenland; South Ossetia
More Like This
11.
McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth.
Global Positioning Semantics: President Karimov's Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2011, Ohio State University
► “Global Positioning Semantics” is a political communication strategy by which a leader…
(more)
▼ “Global Positioning Semantics” is a political communication strategy by which a leader attempts to make his or her personal imagined world map, a person’s understanding of his or her own country’s relationship to the rest of the world, that of the entire nation. By analyzing the President of Uzbekistan’s speeches and interviews spanning the twenty years after the fall of the USSR, I traced Karimov’s description of the future Uzbek nation and other global actors—the USSR, Russia, the United States, Europe, China, Belligerent Islam, Iran, Turkey, Central Asia, and Afghanistan. In this project, in-depth qualitative analysis of the President’s statements is accompanied by charts of the specific values—both traditional and modern—that Karimov assigned to the future Uzbek nation but repeatedly changed those that he attached to the other global actors as the utility of association with the actors became more or less advantageous. Like the north and south poles, Karimov’s vision of the world was suspended between the negatively-charged symbolism of the Uzbek nation’s Soviet past and the positively-charged ideal of the nation’s glorious future. Countries and non-state actors that the President positioned near the negatively-charged pole are the recipients of the negative symbols associated with that pole. Actors that he situated near the positively-charged pole, Karimov described as already possessing some of the qualities of the future great Uzbek nation. The close relationship between the countries described with these complementary traits and the Republic of Uzbekistan allegorically advances the nation toward the realization of their destiny. I posit that by ascribing the characteristics of the Uzbek nation to other state and non-state actors, Islam Karimov indicated to the Uzbek people alongside which powers he believed the nation rightfully belonged as they established their post-Soviet national identity.
Advisors/Committee Members: Liu, Morgan.
Subjects: Asian Studies; International Relations; Political Science; Slavic Studies
Keywords: Uzbekistan; Karimov, Islam; Uzbek nation; USSR; Soviet Union; United States; Russian Federation; Europe; Islam; People's Republic of China; Iran; Turkey; Afghanistan; Central Asia
More Like This
12.
McAfee, Shannon Elizabeth.
Global Positioning Semantics: President Karimov's President Evolving Definitions of the Uzbek Nation's Rightful Place in the World, 1991-2011.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2011, Ohio State University
► “Global Positioning Semantics” is a political communication strategy by which a leader…
(more)
▼ “Global Positioning Semantics” is a political communication strategy by which a leader attempts to make his or her personal imagined world map, a person’s understanding of his or her own country’s relationship to the rest of the world, that of the entire nation. By analyzing the President of Uzbekistan’s speeches and interviews spanning the twenty years after the fall of the USSR, I traced Karimov’s description of the future Uzbek nation and other global actors—the USSR, Russia, the United States, Europe, China, Belligerent Islam, Iran, Turkey, Central Asia, and Afghanistan. In this project, in-depth qualitative analysis of the President’s statements is accompanied by charts of the specific values—both traditional and modern—that Karimov assigned to the future Uzbek nation repeatedly changed those that he attached to the other global actors as the utility of association with the actors became more or less advantageous. Like the north and south poles, Karimov’s vision of the world was suspended between the negatively-charged symbolism of the Uzbek nation’s Soviet past and the positively-charged ideal of the nation’s glorious future. Countries and non-state actors that the President positioned near the negatively-charged pole are the recipients of the negative symbols associated with that pole. Actors that he situated near the positively-charged pole, Karimov described as already possessing some of the qualities of the future great Uzbek nation. The close relationship between the countries described with these complementary traits and the Republic of Uzbekistan allegorically advances the nation toward the realization of their destiny. I posit that by ascribing the characteristics of the Uzbek nation to other state and non-state actors, Islam Karimov indicated to the Uzbek people alongside which powers he believed the nation rightfully belonged as they established their post-Soviet national identity.
Advisors/Committee Members: Liu, Morgan.
Subjects: Asian Studies; International Relations; Islamic Studies; Political Science; Slavic Studies
Keywords: Uzbekistan; Karimov, Islam; nation-building; USSR; Russia; The United States; Europe; China; Islam; Iran; Turkey; Central Asia; Afghanistan
More Like This
13.
Papadimos, Sophia Tsavoussis.
Human Trafficking in Serbia and Greece: A Comparative Analysis of a Victim-Centered Approach.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2012, Ohio State University
► The fall of communism and the advancements of globalization have fueled the…
(more)
▼ The fall of communism and the advancements of globalization have fueled the trafficking of human beings in Southeastern Europe. People became a commodity and the value of life was cheapened. Countries responded to this international phenomenon with the implementation of anti-trafficking legislation. The initial drive to prosecute traffickers was prioritized over human rights, specifically the rights of the victim. In a desperate attempt to combat trafficking and explain it as a crime of corruption, weak law enforcement, or ineffective legislation governments neglected the most important thing, it is a crime against humanity. This paper analyzes the context of human trafficking in Greece and Serbia. While Greece and Serbia are in Southeastern Europe, their pasts are most different, which causes the existence of trafficking in each country to vary. This paper will specifically examine how each country treats victims of trafficking and if the policies set forth incorporate a victim-centered approach. Taking a victim-centered approach when combating trafficking means a country is putting the rights of the victim at the forefront of the case and that survivors are treated as victims and not criminals. The categories of legislation, law enforcement, prosecution, and victim assistance will be analyzed in order to understand how each country can better serve its victims.
Advisors/Committee Members: Hashamova, Yana.
More Like This
14.
Potter, Shannon L.
The Influence of Western Powers on Central and Eastern European Minority Protection Policy: the League of Nations Minorities Treaties and the EU Copenhagen Criteria.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2010, Ohio State University
► The guarantee of special protections to minority groups has long been viewed…
(more)
▼ The guarantee of special protections to minority groups has long been viewed as a measure designed to ensure regional peace and stability by alleviating tensions and pre-empting conflicts. In 20th century Europe, the obligation of minority protection was twice imposed on the transitioning eastern states by the western powers. The Minorities Treaties under the League of Nations, which negotiated the end of World War I and established or enlarged new nation-states, bound the new states in Central and Eastern Europe to an obligation of minority protection to which the great powers themselves were not held. After the failure of the Minorities Treaties system and the disintegration of the League of Nations, European leaders abandoned the protection of minority groups in favor of a system of universal individual human rights. However, after the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989-1991, the requirement of special protections for minority groups resurfaced in the Copenhagen Criteria for membership in the European Union despite the lack of a similar internal standard. This paper compares and examines the shortcomings of both systems, which were undermined by a number of weaknesses resulting from underlying political pressures and the imposition of a policy of minority protection that was not well-rooted in existing European standards.
Advisors/Committee Members: Quigley, John.
Subjects: European history; International law; International relations; Minority and ethnic groups
Keywords: minority protection policy; League of Nations; Minorities Treaty; conditionality; EU accession
More Like This
15.
Pratt, Emma Cerelia.
Georgia's 2010 Constitution.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2011, Ohio State University
► Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Georgia’s Constitution…
(more)
▼ Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Georgia’s Constitution has been rewritten, amended, and reinterpreted many times, including major changes following the Rose Revolution that significantly strengthened the power of the presidency. Most recently, further changes to the Constitution were approved by Parliament on October 15, 2010. The 2010 amendments, which will come into effect in 2013 after the next Presidential election, constitute a major revision of the previous decision-making rules and significantly change state structures, such that the amended document is often referred to in the press and by the public as an entirely new constitution. In these amendments, the power of the President is decreased while the Prime Minister is empowered, bringing the structure of the Georgian government closer to that of a Western European parliamentary democracy. However, these changes open the door to criticism that the changes are intended to preserve President Saakashvili’s personal power after he leaves the Presidency by creating a strong Prime Ministerial position for him to fill. Moreover, the judiciary is given greater independence, the procedures of a no-confidence vote are changed, the requirements to hold government office are altered, and future Constitutional amendments will be procedurally more difficult. The purpose of this thesis is to account for these changes of the Constitution. In doing so, the main framework employed focuses on the interests of the elites involved in the constitutional process. These elites include parliamentarians, presidential appointees, and Western and Georgian experts. Their roles will be examined through their participation in the Constitutional Commission and Council of Europe Venice Commission, as well as in academic discussions and other venues. The data on which the analysis rests include the Constitution itself, official statements of government officials, opposition figures, and NGOs, academic discussions of the amendments, and press clippings from the Georgian and Western media.
Advisors/Committee Members: Shabad, Goldie.
Subjects: East European Studies; Legal Studies; Political Science
Keywords: Republic of Georgia; Constitution-making; Constitutional Amendments; Georgian Constitution; Tbilisi; Saakashvili
More Like This
16.
Rankin, Colleen A.
International Agendas Confront Domestic Interests: EU Enlargement, Russian Foreign Policy, and Eastern Europe.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2012, Ohio State University
► Two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse…
(more)
▼ Two decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the Soviet Union, contending actors continue to compete for the ability to dictate the approach to and structure of regional development in Eastern Europe. As the European Union persists in its expansion into Southeastern Europe, the Russian Federation pursues policies that attempt to bolster and encourage pro-Russian attitudes and practices across the region. Simultaneously, domestic actors battle for the chance to determine economic, political, and social policy. Some campaign for EU membership and the establishment of pluralist democratic institutions modeled after Brussels’ design for development. Others uphold national self-determination, calling for state-specific and culturally appropriate designs for economic, political, and social development, and stronger ties to the Kremlin. A third group calls for stronger ties with both the European Union and Russia that are managed by a strong Serbian or Ukrainian state. Through an exploration of the European Union’s East European regional policy and Russian foreign policy vis-á-vie the Republic of Serbia and Ukraine, this thesis will examine the interaction of international and domestic interests. The analysis of this interaction of the international and the domestic will focus on the policy goals and concerns of contending external actors, domestic interests, public opinion, and the place of Serbia and Ukraine in the global community. This thesis presents case studies based on the work of respected scholars, policy agendas published by Brussels and the Kremlin, and domestic public opinion presented through political party platforms, public opinion polls, civil society organizations, and media outlets, It attempts to provide a new perspective for understanding the European Union’s enlargement strategy, Russian foreign policy goals, and domestic concerns and their influence on the structuring of and carrying out of political, social, and economic development in Ukraine and the Republic of Serbia.
Advisors/Committee Members: Shabad, Goldie A.
Subjects: European Studies; International Relations; Political Science
Keywords: European Union; EU; Russian Federation; Russia; Eastern Europe; Republic of Serbia; Serbia; Ukraine; development; East European development; East European regional policy
More Like This
17.
Sell, Daniel James.
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia: The How and Why of Russia's New Party of Power.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2008, Ohio State University
► This paper serves to study the new ‘party of power,’ United Russia,…
(more)
▼ This paper serves to study the new ‘party of power,’ United Russia, that has emerged in the Russian Federation with Vladimir Vladimorovich Putin as the head of this party. It will look at what exactly a party of power is, and how Putin was able to solidify power in the country in the office of the president and transfer this power to United Russia. This paper looks at factors, such as the fact that Russia has a hybrid regime in place, which made it possible for the party of power to emerge, thus providing a small roadmap on how to create a party of power. Finally, this paper shows areas where Putin and his party of power could lose strength and what might possibly happen in regards to the political situation in the country if this were to happen.
Advisors/Committee Members: Brown, Trevor.
Subjects: Russian history
Keywords: Russia; United Russia; party of power; Putin; Medvedev; Russian politics
More Like This
18.
Starvaggi, Nicholas Hendon.
An Eastern Slavic Brotherhood: The Determinative Factors Affecting Democratic Development in Ukraine and Belarus.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2009, Ohio State University
► Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, fifteen successor states emerged as…
(more)
▼ Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, fifteen successor states emerged as independent nations that began transitions toward democratic governance and a market economy. These efforts have met with various levels of success. Three of these countries have since experienced “color revolutions,” which have been characterized by initial public demonstrations against the old order and a subsequent revision of the rules of the political game. In 2004-2005, these “color revolutions” were greeted by many international observers with optimism for these countries’ progress toward democracy. In hindsight, however, the term itself needs to be assessed for its accuracy, as the political developments that followed seemed to regress away from democratic goals. In one of these countries, Ukraine, the Orange Revolution has brought about renewed hope in democracy, yet important obstacles remain. Belarus, Ukraine’s northern neighbor, shares many structural similarities yet has not experienced a “color revolution.” Anti-governmental demonstrations in Minsk in 2006 were met with brutal force that spoiled the opposition’s hopes of reenacting a similar political outcome to that which Ukraine’s Orange Coalition was able to achieve in 2004. Through a comparative analysis of these two countries, it is found that the significant factors that prevented a “color revolution” in Belarus are a cohesive national identity that aligns with an authoritarian value system, a lack of engagement with U.S. and European institutions, and the Belarusian regime’s continued economic and political support from Russian leaders.
Advisors/Committee Members: Brown, Trevor.
Subjects: International relations; Political science
Keywords: Belarus; Ukraine; Democratic Development; Color Revolution; European Union
More Like This
19.
Welker, Lauren ELizabeth.
Rural Inequality in the Republic of Karelia: Considering Nonfarm Communities in Russian Rural Studies.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2011, Ohio State University
► The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and ensuing market reforms…
(more)
▼ The fall of the Soviet Union in 1991 and ensuing market reforms under President Boris Yeltsin increased inequality and economic stress on Russia’s rural residents. The aftermath of agrarian privatization and the chaotic 1990s has been studied by researchers from various disciplines, but little has been done to explain regional variations in quality of life, employment opportunities, and how life in rural nonfarm economies differs from regions where commercial farming is the predominant economic activity. Russia’s northwestern Republic of Karelia has an economy based primarily on forestry and a diverse rural landscape and population, only a small portion of which is engaged in commercial farming. National policies such as market reforms and President Vladimir Putin’s 2006 project to grow the agroindustrial sector have done little to integrate rural nonfarm economies and communities into larger regional and national economies. Members of these communities continue to lead subsistence-based lives and face increasing marginalization as sources of employment and services in their villages close. If scholars and policymakers fail to provide services and maintain infrastructure to peripheral areas, local residents will face continued poverty, while their desire to work and participate in regional economies will be unrealized.
Advisors/Committee Members: Breyfogle, Nicholas.
Subjects: Slavic Studies; Sociology
Keywords: rural poverty, Russia
More Like This
20.
Wilson, Ann Conner.
Putnam’s Two-Level Game: Case Studies of Serbian and Russian Reactions to the Kosovar and Chechen Independence Movements.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2010, Ohio State University
► This paper uses Robert Putnam’s Two-Level Game Theory of International Relations to…
(more)
▼ This paper uses Robert Putnam’s Two-Level Game Theory of International Relations to explain the differing outcomes of the secessionist movements in Serbia and Russia. The paper begins by exploring the theoretical approaches, advantages, and disadvantages of the two-level game in international relations literature. The paper then addresses two case studies – Russia and Serbia – and their reactions to the secessionist movements within their individual territories. Following the case studies, a further explanation of the two level game played in the case studies is explored. Through the lens of the two-level game, it is argued that international relative balance of power played the major role in determining the ultimate result – Russia retained Chechnya while Serbia essentially lost Kosovo.
Advisors/Committee Members: Brown, Dr. Trevor.
Subjects: International relations; Political science; Russian history
Keywords: Russia; Serbia; Two-Level Game; Putnam; Kosovo; Chechnya
More Like This
22.
Zhang, Liao.
Maximizing Soviet Interests in Xinjiang: The USSR’s Penetration in Xinjiang from the Mid-1930s to the Early 1940s.
Degree: MA, Slavic and East European Studies, 2012, Ohio State University
► This thesis seeks to examine the question of how the USSR established…
(more)
▼ This thesis seeks to examine the question of how the USSR established and maintained Soviet hegemony in Xinjiang, also known as Chinese Turkestan, and made best the local governor’s pro-Soviet administration to maximize its national interests roughly from the mid-1930s to the early 1940s. In a broader sense, by studying the Soviet-Xinjiang relations during that period of time, this thesis attempts to illustrate how it is effective to transfer the Stalinist model to the areas outside the Soviet Union. It also seeks the answers as to how a centralized great power and a second country’s peripheral regions form their relationship and interact with each other. In order to demonstrate that Moscow integrated Xinjiang into the USSR’s economic and defense systems, and took advantages of the localized Stalinism in Xinjiang to regulate its subjects and better its socialist transformation in Central Asia, this thesis is divided into five chapters to discuss related issues. Chapter one brings up the specific topic and frames the argument of this thesis. Following that, the second chapter briefly surveys Xinjiang’s geographic and historical background, and discusses both the legacies of Chinese rule in Xinjiang and unavoidable Russian influences there. Chapter three examines how the pro-Soviet governor Sheng in 1930s became obsessed with Stalinism, and how he borrowed Stalinist administrative models to legitimate his rule in Xinjiang. Moreover, the third chapter also discusses the Sino-Soviet relations in 1930s, which made the Soviet Union’s penetration in Xinjiang possible. Chapter four, the main chapter of this thesis, analyzes the Soviet-Xinjiang relations from the mid-1930s to the early 1940s in a detailed way. It spells out how the USSR benefited from strengthening its presence in Xinjiang and keeping Xinjiang within its sphere of influences. The last chapter generalizes a conclusion and goes to the legacies of Soviet influences in Xinjiang during Sheng’s tenure.
Advisors/Committee Members: Hoffmann, David.
Subjects: History
Keywords: The Soviet Union; Xinjiang; Central Asia; China; Stalinism; Sheng Shicai; The 1930s
More Like This
